Question mark over govt's anti-corruption stance
Like every other thing that seems to go wrong with Bangladesh when we least expect them, the recent presidential pardon of sentences against Shahadab Akbar, son of the deputy leader of parliament Syeda Sajeda Chowdhury, is sure to put a question mark on the government's sincerity to fight corruption, writes Dr Habib Siddiqui
NOTHING could be more gratifying for a government than finding itself being perceived positively in matters of fighting corruption. An improved perception can attract foreign investment. Bangladesh is one of those countries that have been able to drastically improve her corruption perception index. This year she improved her ranking to 139 out of 180 countries. She was 147th last year. Bangladesh scored 2.4 on a 0-10 scale (with lower numbers signifying more corruption perception), a number still below the 3.0 - a cut-off value for the top 100 and bottom 80 countries, meaning corruption is still rampant. But compared to how Bangladesh began with a score of 0.3 points nearly a decade ago, it is definitely a good achievement. Nor should we forget that the country was placed at the bottom of the list for the five successive years from 2001 to 2005. In recent months, after the Awami League-led government came to power, the government has taken some positive measures that are likely to improve the country's perception index. These include election commitment of the current government against corruption, continuation of institutional reforms, formation of parliamentary standing committees and information commission. The government has not, thus far, interfered with the independent activities of the Anti-Corruption Commission giving it freedom to do its tasks freely. These are all positive signs and are sure ways to boost the country's perception rating. Unfortunately, there are still areas which may put a dent to Bangladesh's image. It was not too long ago that the ACC chairman, Golam Rahman, complained about the impotency of the agency. Sure enough, many of the verdicts by the High Court granting bail to individuals, convicted of corruption, are making a mockery of the agency's efforts to wipe out corruption from the country. News media accounts suggest that most of those convicts were probably freed on grounds of technicality and not on the weaknesses of the charges brought against them. If such public perceptions are true, unless the commission is strengthened by bills passed by the parliament or presidential decree, its activities are going to result in zero-sum activities at a tremendous cost to the country's economy. In a widely covered interview, Rahman was bold enough to correctly call the commission a 'toothless tiger', which finds itself in a no-win, difficult and precarious position to be the state's corruption fighting agency without the right mechanisms set in place to make it more effective. (During my meeting with his predecessor back in February, I heard similar complaints from Hasan Mashhud Chowdhury.) And in spite of such candid and correct assessment from its current chairman and the constraints it has to work under, it is highly gratifying to see the commission's unwavering battle to put a stopper to corruption by charging many corrupt individuals, including politicians. In recent months, the agency has been more scrupulous than anytime before in its filings of corruption cases against politically connected bigwigs that have siphoned off the country's money through shoddy deals. It is also showing great discrimination and clarity in dropping cases against some individuals who were wrongly charged by the immediate-past interim government. But like every other thing that seems to go wrong with Bangladesh when we least expect them, the recent presidential pardon of sentences against Shahadab Akbar, son of the deputy leader of parliament Syeda Sajeda Chowdhury, is sure to put a question mark on the government's sincerity to fight corruption. Chowdhury was sentenced to 18 years' imprisonment and fined Tk 1.6 crore in absentia in four cases filed by the Anti-Corruption Commission and the National Board of Revenue during the tenure of the last caretaker government. News reports suggest that Chowdhury had failed to appear before the court and did not even file any appeal against his convictions and yet the president had no qualms about pardoning him. This act of clemency can't simply be overlooked. Yes, like the presidential pardon of bigwigs under Clinton and Bush before they vacated the White House, Bangladesh's President Zillur Rahman has all the constitutional rights to pardon anyone, even a serial killer. But when the only criterion appears to be partisanship such an act of presidential clemency gives a bad name to the government, and is neither easily forgotten nor forgiven by the public. They perceive such as an abuse of justice and presidential power. There are even charges that in pardoning Chowdhury, the president failed to follow usual legal procedures. The ACC lawyers are also calling foul on the matter. If any of these accusations are true, the current government's high pitched election promise to weed out corruption seems too hollow and insincere. The clemency of Chowdhury also opens the door for other convicts who had not surrendered to the court to follow this backdoor of presidential clemency under political consideration. The High Court on July 13 this year in a verdict scrapped the 13-year jail sentence against another politician - Awami League lawmaker Dr. Mohiuddin Khan Alamgir - in a case that was filed by the commission, adjudging the conviction against him illegal. On November 16 the commission filed an appeal with the Supreme Court against the High Court verdict that scrapped the sentence against him in a corruption case. While no one likes to see an innocent human being falsely charged and convicted in a kangaroo court, the judiciary branch of the state must carry out its civic duty diligently, transparently and justly so that no one can question its verdicts. No one should belittle people's perception since such actually helps to mould our realities (even when perceptions are not always correct). And that is what corruption perception index of Transparency International is all about. All the recent gains in the CPI rating may evaporate unless the government is sincere in its declared commitment to fight corruption. I can only hope that the Hasina government will have the wisdom to take the CPI rating seriously and thus, not to take Bangladesh on a wrong track. People have long memories; it is the politicians who don't. Dr Habib Siddiqui is a peace and human rights activist, and chairman of the Board of Directors of the Bangladesh Expatriate Council, USA. He writes from Pennsylvania. saeva@aol.com
Israeli racists and the demographic demon
by Uri Avnery
WHEN THE TV news starts with a murder, people are relieved. This means that no war has broken out, no suicide bomb has exploded, no Qassam rocket has been launched at Sderot. Ahmadinejad has not test-fired a new missile that can reach Tel Aviv. Just another murder. Not that Israel is the world's murder capital. We shall have to work much harder to reach the heights of New York or Moscow, not to mention Johannesburg. Statistics even show our murder rate is declining. But lately Israel has been shocked by a series of exceptionally brutal murders. A husband took revenge on his wife by killing his little daughter and burying her in a forest. A man who lived with the wife of his son killed her daughter, his own granddaughter, put her little body in a suitcase and threw it into Tel Aviv's Yarkon river. A son who quarrelled with his wife killed her and her mother, cut up both bodies and dispersed the parts in garbage bins. A young man who had a quarrel with his mother killed her, and then went off to kill his brother, too. A man in his 70s killed his wife in her sleep with a hammer. In recent weeks, there were two cases that trumped even these atrocities. Damian Karlik, an immigrant from Russia who worked as head waiter in a Russian restaurant, was dismissed for theft and decided to take revenge on the owners, Russian immigrants like him. He went to their apartment and stabbed to death six people, one after another - the owner and his wife, their son and his wife and their two small grandchildren. An immigrant from the US called Jack Teitel, an inhabitant of one of the most extreme West Bank settlements, has now confessed to the killing some years ago of two random Palestinians. He returned briefly to America, and, after coming back, put bombs into police cars. Why? Because the police were protecting gays and lesbians. He is also suspected of killing two traffic policemen for the same reason. He also claimed responsibility for the mass killing of gays in a Tel Aviv club (though that may be empty bragging). He planted a bomb in the home of some Messianic Jews (Jews who regard Jesus as the Messiah) and grievously injured a 15-year-old. He tried to kill the leftist professor Ze'ev Sternhell with another bomb which wounded him. * * * WHAT is so special about these two cases is that they involved new immigrants who were allowed into Israel in spite of already being under investigation for crimes in their homelands. The Law of Return accords every Jew the right to immigrate ('make Aliyah') to Israel, where he or she automatically receives Israeli citizenship on arrival. But even according to this law, the minister of the interior can reject people suspected of serious crimes. This makes the case of Karlik especially interesting. He was suspected in Russia of armed robbery, but the organisation in charge of issuing Israeli immigration permits in Russia asserts that they did not know about it. This organisation, Nativ ('path'), was active in the Soviet Union as one of the Israeli secret services, like the Mossad and Shin Bet. Its particular job was to infiltrate Jewish communities and induce Jews to come to Israel. Apart from this, Nativ was also engaged, of course, in espionage. It is no secret that for decades immigrants arriving from the Soviet Union were interrogated exhaustively by the Shin Bet about military, economic and other installations in their former homeland. The precious information thus gathered ensured Israel a high standing in the western intelligence community. After the collapse of the Communist regime, Nativ was to be disbanded, but like every threatened organisation it fought for its life. It was decided to leave it intact and put it in charge of immigration to Israel from all the former Soviet republics. They now have to make sure that immigrants are kosher Jews according to religious law. The religious credentials of the immigrants interest Nativ much more than any criminal record they may have. It seems Nativ has no contacts with the Russian police, who probably suspect it of other activities. Thus it happens that a person like Karlik, a man under investigation for robbery with violence, was found suitable for immigration. His ethnic pedigree was impeccable. After his arrival in Israel, the Russian authorities officially applied for his extradition for robbery, but the request was denied. The escaped robber was issued a license for a gun and allowed to work as a guard. Teitel's case is similar. True, in the US there is no Nativ, but the logic of those in charge of emigration to Israel is the same: to bring immigrants without asking unnecessary questions. According to religious law, a Jew remains a Jew even if he sins. * * * THESE affairs shine a spotlight on one of the guiding principles of the Zionist establishment: to bring Jews to Israel, whatever the price. Statistics must show that this year - or any other year - a record number of Jews have 'made Aliyah'. In many communities, the bottom of the barrel is scraped in order to bring more Jews. Emissaries find 'lost tribes' of Jews in Peru and Ethiopia, India and China. In this situation, there is an understandable temptation to overlook the criminal past of would-be immigrants. So what if somebody, a kosher Jew, has robbed a bank or mistreated children? In Israel he will perhaps mend his ways. Or if somebody was put on trial abroad for illegal arms deals, money laundering and/or selling blood-stained diamonds - he is welcome, and if he brings his millions with him, the leaders of the state will be happy to be photographed in his company. That is true, of course, only for an immigrant who is a Jew according to the Halakha (religious law). If he is a Goy, the story is quite different. That is the province of the leader of the Shas party, Eli Yishai. * * * IN THE present Israeli government there are several candidates for the title of racist in chief. An objective jury would be hard put to choose between them. The favourite is the foreign minister, Avigdor Lieberman, a certified racist whose entire career in Israel is built on hatred towards Arabs and foreigners. It was he who appointed as minister of justice the kippa-wearing lawyer Ya'akov Ne'eman, who is now busily engaged in securing the all-important position of legal adviser to the government (practically the Attorney General) for a judge educated in a Yeshiva (Orthodox school), who lives in one of the more extreme settlements and who has become notorious for several rightist judgments. Binyamin Netanyahu himself, of course, is also an excellent candidate. But the king of racists is the minister of the interior. He is more dangerous than his colleagues because he has absolute power over the civil status of every person in Israel, immigration and emigration, the register of residents and the expulsion of foreigners. In this position he is now doing to foreigners what others have done to Jews in many countries. He is untiring in his efforts to guard the real Israel - not the 'Jewish and democratic state' as it is officially defined, but rather the 'Jewish and demographic state'. For this purpose he has recently created a special para-police force for the detection and deportation of illegal foreigners. It is difficult to decide whether Yishai is an extreme fanatic or a complete cynic, or some strange combination. As matter of fact, when Shas was still a moderate party, in those distant days when its guru, Rabbi Ovadia Yosef, ruled that it is permissible to give back the occupied territories, and its former leader, Aryeh Deri, was the darling of the left, Yishai, too, declared 'Yes to Oslo, Yes to the evacuation of Jews from Hebron, Yes to Arafat!' But since then much dirty water has flowed down our polluted rivers, Shas has turned into a radical right-wing party and Yishai is now the most extreme rightist in the government. His unshakable devotion to the purity of the race arouses admiration. Hardly a day passes without some shocking news about his activities. He fights like a tiger for the expulsion of 1500 children of foreign workers who were born in Israel, who speak Hebrew and attend Israeli schools, who have no other homeland. Yishai is ready to lay down his life for their deportation. The interior ministry prevents the entry of American and European citizens who bear Arab names. Officials of the UN and the EU in charge of projects for the Palestinians are normally unable to enter from Jordan (or anywhere else outside Israel), and if they somehow do obtain permission - they are then forbidden to cross the Green Line into Israel. Foreign women married to Israelis are expelled without mercy. There is no end to the examples. In the eyes of Yishai, every son of a Thai is an enemy of the Jewish state, every daughter of a Colombian worker is a threat to the purity of the Jewish people. He has declared that the foreign workers are an 'infection', and warned that Tel Aviv is 'becoming Africa'. He has disclosed that the foreigners carry frightening diseases, such as AIDS, tuberculosis and such. (And in this respect they resemble gays and lesbians, who, according to Yishai, are 'sick people'. Such a person would not remain a minister in the cabinet of the US or most European countries. In the homeland of the Nuremberg laws he would not even come close to a government position. Recently, during the operation 'Cast Lead', Yishai demanded that we 'bomb thousands of houses, to destroy Gaza' - which does not hinder him from denouncing Judge Richard Goldstone as an abominable anti-Semite. He himself, by the way, never risked his skin as a combat soldier - this national hero served as an NCO for religious services in a transport unit. Eight hundred years ago, Rabbi Moshe Ben-Nahman, called Nahmanides, coined the phrase 'Scoundrel with the permission of the Torah' - meaning a person who does despicable things which are not expressly forbidden in the Bible. I am not sure if even this appellation would fit Yishai, since the Bible forbids more than once the mistreatment of strangers - 'Ye oppress not the stranger, the fatherless and the widow' (Jer. 7:6), 'He…loveth the stranger, in giving him food and raiment' (Deut. 10:18) and many other commandments to this effect. * * * BUT more important than Yishai himself is the phenomenon that he represents: the invocation of the demographic demon, which terrifies the country. Sixty-two years after its foundation, the state of Israel is still living in fear of the 'demographic danger'. It is afraid of its Arab citizens, and therefore discriminates against them in every sphere. It is afraid of the 400 thousand Russians who have come to this country with their Jewish relatives in accordance with the Law of Return, but whose mothers were not Jewish. Here is a built-in contradiction: while the Nativ operators are interested in maximizing the number of immigrants, Yishai and his people deny these very same immigrants the right to marry Jews or to be buried in Jewish graveyards. They serve in the army, but if they fall in action they cannot be buried next to their comrades. Practically all Hebrew Israelis want a state with a Hebrew majority, where the Hebrew language, culture and tradition are cultivated. But many of us do not want a man-hunting, woman-hunting and child-hunting state, closed to asylum-seekers, where foreign workers who outstay their welcome must live in permanent fear, like our ancestors in the ghettoes. In order to exorcise the demographic demon, my friends and I have applied to the courts and requested that the registration 'Nation: Jewish' in the ministry's register of residents be replaced with 'Nation: Israeli'. Our application was rejected by Judge Noam Solberg - the very same person the minister of justice is moving mountains to get appointed as attorney general. Counterpunch, November 18. Uri Avnery is an Israeli writer and peace activist with Gush Shalom.

Bangabandhu murder verdict
A laudable move by the court. Rule of law has been established. It proved that no one is above law. All sorts of killings should be stopped. All cases of killings should be brought to justice for impartial judgment. We all should take lesson from this. What we are doing today might be challenged tomorrow or day after. Shakil Monzur Via e-mail * * * Anthony Mascarenhas in his book 'Bangladesh: A Legacy of Blood' has said, 'success has many parents'. When Sheikh Mujib was killed there was almost none to raise a voice against it as the killing was successful. Now in power, his daughter Sheikh Hasina has turned the table on the killers who assassinated the father of the nation and most of his family members in 1975. The injustice that was done 34 years ago is now redressed. The perpetrators are now paid back. The souls of the departed and their relatives are now satisfied finding justice. The attorney general in his reaction said that this historic verdict will usher in the rule of justice in the country. So we can now hope that extrajudicial killings will stop and the corruption which is killing the country bit by bit will come to an end. Tinku Lalpur, Natore * * * Finally after long wait of 34 years, Bangladesh Supreme Court has given the final verdict for killers of Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman. However, long ago history has given its final verdict on Bangabandhu. Only some fail to understand it, and some other (unsuccessfully) try to alter it. M Emad Oxford, UK * * * The judgement delivered on Thursday is a milestone for the nation. After 34 years of uncertainties, manipulation and agonising delay, the legal process of the Bangabandhu Murder Case has come to an end. Evidently in this case justice has been delayed but not denied. The reasons are not difficult to comprehend. In the first place, it upholds the idea that the people of Bangladesh, for all their trials and tribulations in the past, are wedded to the rule of law and will therefore go all the way to ensure the supremacy of this principle in their collective social and political life. The people will feel reinvigorated to put the past behind them, look forward and work towards politics of unity. Let this triumph of justice now make the path easier for our democracy to run smooth and clear. It should be the silver lining in the dark clouds. Gopal Sengupta Canada
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