Editorial
Govt’s inexplicable indifference
to Aila victims
IN THE immediate aftermath of cyclone Aila, which whipped up tidal surges as high as 13 feet or more at some places, damaging standing crops, destroying houses and washing away livestock besides claiming human lives, we warned, in these columns, that the government would do better if it did not gauge the extent of devastation on the basis of human casualties. We also cautioned that, while the number of human deaths caused by the cyclone, may seem infinitesimal, especially in comparison with that of cyclone Sidr, for instance, Aila had wreaked havoc on the livelihoods of the people in the affected areas, which would translate into long-term consequences, health and otherwise, for them, if a comprehensive rehabilitation programme was not drawn up and implemented in earnest. Regrettably, as two reports front-paged in New Age on Friday indicate, our warnings and cautions may have fallen on deaf ears.
More than six months on since the cyclone made landfall, according to the report, people of Dacope, one of the worst-hit upazilas in the south-western district of Khulna, revisit the May 25 nightmare on a daily basis. With their cyclone-devastated homesteads yet to be repaired to liveability, let alone rebuilt, most of these people continue to live in makeshift houses or under open sky. Air reeking of human excreta hangs heavy in the area as most of the people are forced to defecate in open spaces in the absence of an adequate number of sanitary latrines. Then, there is an acute shortage of potable water; the Department of Public Health Engineering could repair only 80 of the 697 tube-wells in Dacope that were rendered inoperative by the cyclone-induced tidal surge. Frighteningly still, with winter just round the corner and already reports of a surge in the number of cold-related diseases pouring in, a significant humanitarian crisis may just be waiting to unfold.
In the wake of Aila, there were complaints and criticisms about the government’s relief operation, both in its coverage and pace. Later on, time and again, people of the affected areas alleged that the administration was not engaging in reconstruction work in earnest. That these complaints, criticisms and allegations were not unfounded is only reinforced by the prolonged ordeal that the people of Dacope, for example, have been in for the past five months or so. It appears that the Aila-ravaged areas and its inhabitants may have simply disappeared from the government’s radar. Otherwise, how would one explain that the public health engineering department repaired only 80 tube-wells in Dacope in more than five months? Or, that most of the people there still have to live in makeshift houses or under open sky?
We understand the government is now running a food-for-work programme and paying Tk 100 per head but, as one resident of the area pointed out, the amount is simply not enough to run a family. Besides, a significant number of people remain outside the programme’s coverage. Overall, the government’s response to Aila, both in its relief and rehabilitation operations, has been abysmal, to say the least. Hence, we demand that the government should ask the local administration to pull up its socks, and expedite and enhance its rehabilitation programme for the Aila-hit people. In the meanwhile, immediate steps need to be taken to protect the homeless and shelter-less from the bite of the cold when winter sets in.
MPs’ quota plan likely to make govt
schools bastions of elitism
THE report that the government is thinking of reserving 10 per cent of the seats in all government secondary schools for children chosen by the MPs seems to be a move that is not only unprecedented but fraught with far-flung consequences. A New Age report published on Friday quotes an official of the education ministry as saying that the ministry is preparing an admission policy with a provision for reserving 10 per cent of the seats in every school for the children chosen by local lawmakers. MPs as people’s representatives no doubt have a great role to play in our emerging democracy. The country needs to benefit from their direct and indirect involvement in all nation-building activities, education being one of them. They are also supposed to be more knowledgeable than many others as far as the educational needs of their own constituencies are concerned and no one should grudge any advisory role they may like to play in school education. But to reserve quota for admission seekers of their choice would run counter to all principles of justice and free competition. Government schools will become bastions of elitism and privilege.
Quota, reservation, weightage, etc, which take away from the spirit of free competition, are defensible only for the benefit of the specially underprivileged groups – ultra-poor, ethnic minorities, disabled ones. To partly undo the injustice to which these groups have long been subjected, they can justifiably be given an added encouragement. Quota in competitive fields is undesirable except in pursuit of egalitarian aims. But quota of the proposed kind will make education more unequal and tilted in favour of those capable of exerting a strong social pull. The quota will consecrate and institutionalise a practice which is still regarded as evil, namely string pulling, influence peddling, manoeuvring behind the scene.
The way parliament is composed at present, MPs will mean almost exclusively ruling party MPs. Then are we to conclude that this is another stratagem to bring school education under the ruling party’s control? The 317 government schools in the country are still fostering the talent of the low-income groups as these schools provide relatively better quality of education and charge low fees. What will happen after the quota system is introduced? The cash-strapped MP seeking re-election asks the rich people in her or his area for contribution to the election fund. The rich donor will oblige but there will be an implicit quid pro quo to be fulfilled in the admission season. And thus a bonfire will be made of quality of education and fair play.
Traffic or vision congestion:
a political economy analysis
by Hasanuzzaman
IT NEEDS no highlighting that road traffic congestion has plagued the entire physical mobility system in the capital. It is now an integral part of our daily lives which largely defines our actions of movement. Many learned scholars and experts, in different dailies, both vernacular and English, have written extensively to put forward their ideas regarding the sources of the problem and also, more pertinently, to recommend many prescriptions to cure the plague.
However, few attempts have been made to provide a framework which can be used by readers to comprehend the traffic congestion problem and identify immediate solutions.
In terms of economics, the problem can be conceptualised simply as demand for cars outweighing the supply (availability) of roads, assuming all other things remain the same, such as the state of law and order, enforcement of regulations and traffic management, road conditions, etc. In Bangladesh, market failure, however, has not been confined to physical supply of roads. More alarmingly, there is severely inadequate supply of a competent, independent (immune from vested interests), and professional law enforcement agency which could act as the role-model for others. Undoubtedly, enforcement of rules and regulations, amongst many factors, play a dynamic role in sustaining the traffic flow equilibrium between roads and cars.
Traffic congestion is also an example of the tragedy of the commons. The theory describes a situation in which multiple individuals, acting independently and rationally consulting their own self-interest, will ultimately destroy a shared resource even when it is evident that it is not in anyone’s long-term interest for this deterioration to happen. Since there is no additional cost in over-utilising roads, opportunity cost is almost, or even equal to, zero (given also the fact there are no other alternative modes of transport).
In terms of politics, chaos theory is the most appropriate to conceptualise the traffic problem. Before highlighting the theoretical underpinnings, it is worth pointing out at the outset that similar to market failure, political side of the traffic congestion equation reflects both institutional and regulatory failure. In other words, the authorities concerned in charge of regulating and monitoring vehicle flows have failed to maintain a healthy road network in the country.
Chaos theory is a branch of mathematics. It studies the behaviour of certain dynamical systems which are very responsive to initial conditions, referred to as the ‘butterfly effect’. An example to illustrate the nexus between chaos theory and the butterfly effect could be the traffic congestion in Dhaka or a tornado in the natural world. The flapping wings of a butterfly in the atmosphere or an abrupt steering manoeuvre by a single motorist/rickshaw puller in the road represent a negligible change in the initial conditions of the eco and transport systems respectively, which, nevertheless, causes a chain of reaction ultimately leading to large-scale alterations of events. To support this claim, in my real-time observations, I have found that even in free flowing traffic, jams can arise spontaneously, triggered by static incidents such as from a car parked on a roadside (a very common site in Dhaka), let alone miniscule movements.
In terms of political economy, in the capital’s context, for any given working day, butterflies can be conceptualised as the thousands and millions of commuters (regardless of their mode of transport), playing a dynamic role in their respective worlds of habitat. In other words, similar to the role played by butterflies in the natural world, pollination of plants so that the latter are enabled to produce seeds and fruits, all of us (regardless of our profile and age) play a certain degree of dynamic role in the country’s economy by keeping its market vibrant.
However, the principal (government and its administrative bodies) has failed to keep its agents’ (law enforcers) behaviour in check. Agency capture, by vested interests from both inside and outside the government, has further impaired the law enforcers’ ability to strictly enforce and adhere to Tort. Their legitimacy today is being questioned. Perhaps immunising the agents from nepotism and moral hazard behaviour through providing some extent of independence to enhance their credibility, and making them accountable for their actions alongside inactions, ought to be the principal’s immediate priority.
The prime minister, in keeping with her visionary tradition, laid out a number of plans to streamline the existing cumbersome transportation system in the country, especially in the context of road congestion (already through regulation of office and school hours). At the national parliament on October 29, she announced the government plans to construct elevated and underground railways, flyovers, orbital waterways, and circular roads in and around the capital. Also, she mentioned about a project to upgrade Zia International Airport, construction of a bridge linking the Aarong point at Tejgaon and the Gulshan Shooting Club point, and a coordinated development project in Hatirjheel area.
For those tiring of the list, as a researcher, I even find it difficult to keep myself regularly updated with the government’s visionary list of items. Further, I am more inclined to settle for immediate actions against long-term visions mainly because, as the great Keynes said, ‘In the long-run we are all dead.’
The government could start by preparing a list containing a few randomly selected routes in Dhaka, estimate time taken from point A to B, for example from Dhanmondi 3 to Dhanmondi 27, at different hours, and aim to trim the duration of journeys. The government should a priori be informed about the current time taken for different journeys and the time it should take if traffic flow could be managed. Also, after ensuring law enforcers are performing satisfactorily, the government could impose a road pricing system, for instance, on luxurious vehicles. This is not to discriminate against SUV and BMW-wallas but only to address the sheer size and heat of traffic congestion problem.
Though political decisions tend to rely on providing supply-side solutions, enlarging the ‘pipe’ or even grand visions to accommodate growing demand, for immediate results, the government could follow Ghana where in the capital, Accra, the members of parliament joined commuters for a day to help the leader make better decisions on transport issues. If this cannot be done by our leaders, then for such a visionary government like ours, this mechanism would also augment its earnings which, in turn, can be ploughed into building public transportation projects. Nevertheless, in this connection it begs to be highlighted that more than financial resources, political willingness to take actions for the greater good tends to dominate the likelihood of visions turning into reality!
To conclude, ‘Digital Bangladesh’ as a concept is all good, but without an analogue route which spells out, in a transparent manner financial commitments vis-à-vis expenditure alongside institutional arrangements and reforms, the digitalisation process will be infertile. Furthermore, vision pertaining to corruption and poverty free Bangladesh is all the more good, but it holds little value when our leaders are yet to plant the seeds for this mode of thinking to grow in their conscience.
After all, visions without solid and fully committed plan of actions are similar to providing a blind man with a candle to help him cross a road.
Hasanuzzaman is a researcher. hasanuzzaman1984@hotmail.com
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