Editorial
Dithering over probe into BDR
soldiers’ death dangerous
THAT the committee assigned by the home ministry on May 14 to conduct an executive inquiry into ‘unnatural deaths’ of 21 soldiers of the Bangladesh Rifles since the February 25-26 rebellion at the BDR headquarters has virtually not begun its work although the deadline for submission of its report expired on June 4 could very well be attributed to bureaucratic tangle. After all, it appears to be the most plausible – and, perhaps, the most convenient – explanation for the confusion as to who should lead the committee. The deputy secretary of the ministry who then looked after police affairs was made the head when the committee was formed. As he has since been transferred to the desk looking after legal affairs, he thinks he is ‘no more with the committee’. On the other hand, the person now in charge of police affairs at the ministry is ‘unaware of any investigation committee’ and has ‘not even been asked to lead any committee’. The home affairs secretary has, however, told New Age that ‘the head of inquiry team will not be changed’ and that the committee would be granted more time to complete its investigation. Overall, it is yet another glaring example of lack of coordination that have characterised our bureaucracy over the years.
Yet, there are reasons to believe that, beyond the veneer of inefficiency and lack of coordination, one could very well be confronted with impermeable insincerity and indifference stemming from class distinction inexorably entrenched in the mindset of the ruling quarters – political and bureaucratic. One may well recall the apparent indifference with which the political elite reacted to the news of one after another BDR soldier dying under questionable circumstances since the rebellion ended. It seemed too willing to accept whatever the BDR headquarters dished out as the reasons for the deaths – suicide, cardiac failure, etc. Not until a section of the media, different rights organisations, at home and abroad, and conscious and conscientious sections of society had expressed their concern and condemnation over the deaths that the government commissioned the executive inquiry. That the inquiry has run aground before it even took off could well be the manifestation of the lack of commitment that the ruling quarters have had in this regard from the very beginning. If contrasted with the required sensitivity and agility with which a couple of inquiries into the rebellion, in which 50-odd army officers were killed, were conducted, the visible indifference as regards the inquiry into unnatural deaths of 21 BDR soldiers could only be construed as the inherent class consciousness of the ruling elite.
Grievances among the BDR soldiers have been identified by both the civilian and the military probe committees as one of the significant reasons behind the BDR rebellion. The government needs to realise that such grievances accrue over the years because of the class consciousness-induced indifference shown by the elite to the people it deems as belonging to a ‘lower class’, and leads to sporadic outbursts, as may have been the case with the BDR rebellion. The government needs also to realise that there is the suspicion, among the people in general and the BDR jawans in particular, that the deaths of the BDR soldiers may have been part of a vendetta mission. To dispel such a suspicion, the government needs to conduct its executive inquiry competently and credibly. Needless to say, the inquiry has got off to a poor start. Before it is started to be seen as yet another instance of denial of their rights by the BDR soldiers, the government needs to prove its sincerity to get to the bottom of the affair with decisive and demonstrable actions. The government also needs to realise that it cannot remove mistrusts between the border guards and their commanders, who, together, are to maintain our country’s territorial sovereignty.
Time for renewed approach
in fight against TB
EXPERTS at a roundtable discussion on Wednesday revealed that more than 67,000 tuberculosis patients die and 300,000 new TB cases are detected every year, according to a report in New Age on Thursday. The experts observed that Bangladesh ranked sixth among the 22 highly TB-afflicted countries and that the disease preponderated mostly among the poorer sections of society. Naturally, a country like Bangladesh, which is striving to achieve its millennium goals, cannot afford to lose so many lives on account of the disease. Moreover, detection of the disease mostly among the working people is a cause for alarm as it is likely to thwart the efforts of the country to fulfil its aims in various sectors. It is axiomatic that a nation without a healthy populace cannot prosper.
That tuberculosis is mostly detected among the poor clearly demonstrates the wretched and unhygienic conditions that they are forced to live in and points to their low-level of nutrition intake and lack of awareness. As most of these patients are living below the poverty-line, struggling to keep body and soul together, they cannot afford the expenses for their treatment as and when they are affected. Analysing the causes of the disease, it will not be superfluous to dub tuberculosis ‘the disease of the poor’.
To address this major public health problem, the government needs to take long- and short-term programmes, i.e. preventives and curatives. Taking long-term measures will demand bringing about a complete change in the government’s outlook when it comes to measuring the country’s advancement in its development pursuits. In other words, the government must change its development paradigm, and put to use an all-encompassing development programme, prioritising the development of the poor, abandoning its GDP-growth fixation. Equitable distribution of wealth must take the highest precedence over all other things in the long-term programmes as it will help the poor procure decent meals for themselves and maintain salubrious abodes to stay in good heath.
The second priority should be attached to spreading of education among the poor as it will give the poor working people an insight into things below the surface level, equipping them with the strength to identify and fight against tuberculosis in its various forms. The short term-measures include establishment of an adequate number of medical centres with modern facilities to be supervised by specialist physicians, ensuring health services for all TB patients and spearheading awareness programmes on the issue. If the government can address the problem sincerely, taking these measures on priory basis, this disease can be eradicated in foreseeable future.
Climate havoc looms, mitigation
eludes Bangladesh
by Khawaza Main Uddin
Unknown to many so far, the wrath of nature is manifesting itself in various forms, inflicting blows to the life and livelihoods of people all over Bangladesh – an ominous sign of climate change effects on the deltaic land.
The unusually hot summer in the country this year is seemingly scorching the living atmosphere. The recent drought caused widespread disease to banana trees in the north, a delayed winter damaged mustard plants in the Brahmaputra basin and the alarming fall in underground water level hampered rice farming in north-western Barind Tract, finds a New Age investigation exploring evidence of the global warming effects.
Yet another cyclone Aila of late has left a trail of devastation in its wake along the coastal belt. Intrusion of salinity into south-western rivers is disturbing biodiversity of Sunderban. And the encroaching Bay of Bengal is downsizing offshore island of Kutubdia in Cox’s Bazar.
Raj Kumar, a 30-year-old fisherman of Jelepara of Ali Akbar Deil in Kutubdia, has apparently resigned to his fate. With his wife and son, he wants to stay there although many residents have already migrated. ‘My parents told us the story of how a large island had been shrinking over decades leaving many homeless. We are living with uncertainty,’ he observed at his Aila-damaged home in the past week.
‘Eighty per cent people here are very poor. It is difficult to do business because of dwindling purchasing power of consumers,’ said Azizul Huq, a 40-year-old grocer, in Toblar Char village. He, too, lost his home, two kilometres away from his present house, to erosion.
Today, Kutubdia has been shrunk to about 30-square-kilometre island from its size of 250 square kilometres a century back.
At least 30 million people in coastal Bangladesh are living under visible threats of climate change-induced disasters. The country will lose 17 per cent of its land by 2050 because of rising sea levels due to global warming, the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change has predicted.
Away in Rajshahi, Muntaj Ali of Harin Bishka village in Gadagari upazila, could not cultivate almost 50 per cent of his five acres of land for lack of irrigation facilities. ‘Again water-logging during the rainy season affects our cultivation,’ he informed New Age during a field trip in April. Another farmer, Shafiqul Islam of Dharampur, grew rice and vegetables on three and a half acres but faced ‘crop loss by at least one-fourth’.
Experts have attributed the lean season water crisis largely to drying up of the Ganges and its tributaries due to upstream withdrawal of waters by India and melting of Himalayan glaciers. According to a World Bank information note, the ecosystems of Ganges-dependent areas altogether accommodate 40 million people in Bangladesh alone.
Adaptation by victims themselves
Abdul Latif Sana, a mowali [honey collector] of Sunderban, aged about 50 years, from Bagali village in Koyra, Khulna, has to accept the reality of his declining income. ‘When I go there on a 15-day tour, I get 30 kilograms of honey maximum whereas earlier I used to collect honey up to 80 kg during a tour of Sunderban,’ he described his experience. Asked why he saw scarcity of honey, Sana blamed depleting flora and frequent storms affecting fauna for the phenomenon but could not say what climate change was all about.
Mazid Sarkar, a bawali [woodcutter] of Harinagar, Koyra, in his late 50s, had somehow adapted to the changing situation. ‘Trees like golpata which abounded here in my boyhood are not easily available now. But I have to survive …,’ he said hinting he often felled trees which he knew was not fair.
Four years ago, Rehana Begum and her husband Tayeb Ali, after living in their ancestral village for three decades, moved to a completely unknown Dhaka city after they had lost their home at Betua village of Charfassion in Bhola due to erosion of river Meghna at its estuary. ‘I wish to visit the village but there is no place to stay there. We don’t know where the people known to us are staying now,’ she said at her rented slum house in Shekhertek in the city. They live on earnings from hard labour by their children.
Rehana’s neighbour Kamala, a 55-year-old widow, could not narrate her story as she burst into tears. A young mother Salma went on saying that Kamala had none to look after her after her son deserted her. ‘If she herself can earn, she eats; otherwise she has to starve,’ added Salma, wife of a rickshawpuller.
Imdadul Huq, Nurul Huq and some other farmers of Mitthapukur, Rangpur, have changed crop pattern after many banana trees had perished in the area. In Dhaka where banana are supplied from areas where it grows, small trader Noor Alam said supply of the fruit had been scarce in recent times.
In Sudampara village of Nagarpur, Tangail, pest attacks and plant diseases caused massive damage to mustard plants, grown in winter. ‘We don’t really understand why it happened. Usually, cultivation of this crop is safer than some others,’ Abdus Sattar told New Age in December 2008, showing his field of 33 decimals where there were hardly any plants left standing.
‘Absence or delay of winter hampers fruiting of the winter crops such as mustard. Warm weather causes pest attacks and a disease called altenaria leaf blight, even resulting in sterility,’ explained MG Neogi, an agriculturist at Rangpur-Danajpur Rural Service.
Policy discrepancy & global neglect coincide
The government has over the past 35 years invested more than $10 billion to lessen the country’s vulnerability to natural disasters but losses in calamities are still high despite people’s resilience.
‘The combination of frequent natural disasters, high population density, poor infrastructure and low resilience to economic shocks, makes Bangladesh especially vulnerable to climatic risks,’ acknowledged the draft Climate Change Strategy and Action Plan, which has not yet been finalised.
Moreover, the government has not been able to utilise a single taka from the Tk 300-crore climate change fund earmarked in the outgoing fiscal year’s budget.
The draft action plan has estimated urgent investment requirement of $5 billion in the first five years to cope with changing circumstances whereas only about $100 million has been pledged in external assistance so far for operating the proposed Multi-Donor Trust Fund.
‘Addressing current climatic risks is a suitable operational entry point to launch climate change adaptation,’ recommended Ad Spijkers, country representative of the UN Food and Agriculture Organisation, laying emphasis on sustainable agricultural development alongside other measures.
Agriculture, the most critical sector for Bangladesh, is yet to be put on the agenda of the international climate change negotiations.
Asked if ‘Bangladesh is ready’, the state minister for environment, Mustafizur Rahman, said, ‘It should not be a question of Bangladesh’s readiness. Are those who created this problem for Bangladesh ready to compensate?’ He mentioned that Dhaka would launch a campaign seeking international assistance for investments in both adaptation and mitigation projects.
However, the draft of a UN conference scheduled to be held in New York later this month recognised the vulnerability and probable forced migration. ‘An Environmental Refugees Programme should be established for environmental refugees affected by climate change and rising sea levels. They should receive humanitarian and development support from all relevant United Nations agencies,’ reads the draft.
COAST, a development organisation, demanded that the UN should frame a charter on climate change refugees in the light of Geneva Convention on refugees to rehabilitate the newly affected people. One in every five people in Bangladesh is at risk of being such refugee, COAST’s executive director Rezaul Karim Chowdhury insisted that the issue of free movement of natural persons being negotiated in the World Trade Organisation forum ‘must be a part of climate change mitigation.’
Obama’s speech to Muslim world
Agence France-Presse . Cairo
Following is the full text of US president Barack Obama’s speech to the Muslim world in Cairo on Thursday.
‘I am honored to be in the timeless city of Cairo, and to be hosted by two remarkable institutions. For over a thousand years, Al-Azhar has stood as a beacon of Islamic learning, and for over a century, Cairo University has been a source of Egypt’s advancement. Together, you represent the harmony between tradition and progress. I am grateful for your hospitality, and the hospitality of the people of Egypt. I am also proud to carry with me the goodwill of the American people, and a greeting of peace from Muslim communities in my country: assalaamu alaykum.
We meet at a time of tension between the United States and Muslims around the world — tension rooted in historical forces that go beyond any current policy debate. The relationship between Islam and the West includes centuries of co-existence and cooperation, but also conflict and religious wars. More recently, tension has been fed by colonialism that denied rights and opportunities to many Muslims, and a Cold War in which Muslim-majority countries were too often treated as proxies without regard to their own aspirations. Moreover, the sweeping change brought by modernity and globalization led many Muslims to view the West as hostile to the traditions of Islam.
Violent extremists have exploited these tensions in a small but potent minority of Muslims. The attacks of September 11th, 2001 and the continued efforts of these extremists to engage in violence against civilians has led some in my country to view Islam as inevitably hostile not only to America and Western countries, but also to human rights. This has bred more fear and mistrust.
So long as our relationship is defined by our differences, we will empower those who sow hatred rather than peace, and who promote conflict rather than the cooperation that can help all of our people achieve justice and prosperity. This cycle of suspicion and discord must end.
I have come here to seek a new beginning between the United States and Muslims around the world; one based upon mutual interest and mutual respect; and one based upon the truth that America and Islam are not exclusive, and need not be in competition. Instead, they overlap, and share common principles – principles of justice and progress; tolerance and the dignity of all human beings.
I do so recognising that change cannot happen overnight. No single speech can eradicate years of mistrust, nor can I answer in the time that I have all the complex questions that brought us to this point. But I am convinced that in order to move forward, we must say openly the things we hold in our hearts, and that too often are said only behind closed doors. There must be a sustained effort to listen to each other; to learn from each other; to respect one another; and to seek common ground. As the Holy Qur’an tells us, ‘Be conscious of God and speak always the truth.’ That is what I will try to do—to speak the truth as best I can, humbled by the task before us, and firm in my belief that the interests we share as human beings are far more powerful than the forces that drive us apart.
Part of this conviction is rooted in my own experience. I am a Christian, but my father came from a Kenyan family that includes generations of Muslims. As a boy, I spent several years in Indonesia and heard the call of the azaan at the break of dawn and the fall of dusk. As a young man, I worked in Chicago communities where many found dignity and peace in their Muslim faith.
As a student of history, I also know civilisation’s debt to Islam. It was Islam — at places like Al-Azhar University — that carried the light of learning through so many centuries, paving the way for Europe’s Renaissance and Enlightenment. It was innovation in Muslim communities that developed the order of algebra; our magnetic compass and tools of navigation; our mastery of pens and printing; our understanding of how disease spreads and how it can be healed. Islamic culture has given us majestic arches and soaring spires; timeless poetry and cherished music; elegant calligraphy and places of peaceful contemplation. And throughout history, Islam has demonstrated through words and deeds the possibilities of religious tolerance and racial equality.
I know, too, that Islam has always been a part of America’s story. The first nation to recognise my country was Morocco. In signing the Treaty of Tripoli in 1796, our second president John Adams wrote, ‘The United States has in itself no character of enmity against the laws, religion or tranquillity of Muslims.’ And since our founding, American Muslims have enriched the United States. They have fought in our wars, served in government, stood for civil rights, started businesses, taught at our Universities, excelled in our sports arenas, won Nobel Prizes, built our tallest building, and lit the Olympic Torch. And when the first Muslim-American was recently elected to Congress, he took the oath to defend our Constitution using the same Holy Qur’an that one of our Founding Fathers — Thomas Jefferson — kept in his personal library.
So I have known Islam on three continents before coming to the region where it was first revealed. That experience guides my conviction that partnership between America and Islam must be based on what Islam is, not what it isn’t. And I consider it part of my responsibility as President of the United States to fight against negative stereotypes of Islam wherever they appear.
But that same principle must apply to Muslim perceptions of America. Just as Muslims do not fit a crude stereotype, America is not the crude stereotype of a self-interested empire. The United States has been one of the greatest sources of progress that the world has ever known. We were born out of revolution against an empire. We were founded upon the ideal that all are created equal, and we have shed blood and struggled for centuries to give meaning to those words—within our borders, and around the world. We are shaped by every culture, drawn from every end of the Earth, and dedicated to a simple concept: E pluribus unum: ‘Out of many, one.’
Much has been made of the fact that an African-American with the name Barack Hussein Obama could be elected president. But my personal story is not so unique. The dream of opportunity for all people has not come true for everyone in America, but its promise exists for all who come to our shores — that includes nearly seven million American Muslims in our country today who enjoy incomes and education that are higher than average.
Moreover, freedom in America is indivisible from the freedom to practice one’s religion. That is why there is a mosque in every state of our union, and over 1,200 mosques within our borders. That is why the US government has gone to court to protect the right of women and girls to wear the hijab, and to punish those who would deny it.
So let there be no doubt: Islam is a part of America. And I believe that America holds within her the truth that regardless of race, religion, or station in life, all of us share common aspirations — to live in peace and security; to get an education and to work with dignity; to love our families, our communities, and our God. These things we share. This is the hope of all humanity.
Of course, recognising our common humanity is only the beginning of our task. Words alone cannot meet the needs of our people. These needs will be met only if we act boldly in the years ahead; and if we understand that the challenges we face are shared, and our failure to meet them will hurt us all.
For we have learned from recent experience that when a financial system weakens in one country, prosperity is hurt everywhere. When a new flu infects one human being, all are at risk. When one nation pursues a nuclear weapon, the risk of nuclear attack rises for all nations. When violent extremists operate in one stretch of mountains, people are endangered across an ocean. And when innocents in Bosnia and Darfur are slaughtered, that is a stain on our collective conscience. That is what it means to share this world in the 21st century. That is the responsibility we have to one another as human beings.
This is a difficult responsibility to embrace. For human history has often been a record of nations and tribes subjugating one another to serve their own interests. Yet in this new age, such attitudes are self-defeating. Given our interdependence, any world order that elevates one nation or group of people over another will inevitably fail. So whatever we think of the past, we must not be prisoners of it.
Our problems must be dealt with through partnership; progress must be shared. That does not mean we should ignore sources of tension. Indeed, it suggests the opposite: we must face these tensions squarely. And so in that spirit, let me speak as clearly and plainly as I can about some specific issues that I believe we must finally confront together.
The first issue that we have to confront is violent extremism in all of its forms.
In Ankara, I made clear that America is not – and never will be – at war with Islam. We will, however, relentlessly confront violent extremists who pose a grave threat to our security. Because we reject the same thing that people of all faiths reject: the killing of innocent men, women, and children. And it is my first duty as president to protect the American people.
The situation in Afghanistan demonstrates America’s goals, and our need to work together. Over seven years ago, the United States pursued al-Qaeda and the Taliban with broad international support. We did not go by choice, we went because of necessity. I am aware that some question or justify the events of 9/11. But let us be clear: al-Qaeda killed nearly 3,000 people on that day. The victims were innocent men, women and children from America and many other nations who had done nothing to harm anybody. And yet Al-Qaeda chose to ruthlessly murder these people, claimed credit for the attack, and even now states their determination to kill on a massive scale. They have affiliates in many countries and are trying to expand their reach. These are not opinions to be debated; these are facts to be dealt with.
Make no mistake: we do not want to keep our troops in Afghanistan. We seek no military bases there. It is agonising for America to lose our young men and women. It is costly and politically difficult to continue this conflict. We would gladly bring every single one of our troops home if we could be confident that there were not violent extremists in Afghanistan and Pakistan determined to kill as many Americans as they possibly can. But that is not yet the case.
That’s why we’re partnering with a coalition of forty-six countries. And despite the costs involved, America’s commitment will not weaken. Indeed, none of us should tolerate these extremists. They have killed in many countries. They have killed people of different faiths – more than any other, they have killed Muslims. Their actions are irreconcilable with the rights of human beings, the progress of nations, and with Islam. The Holy Qur’an teaches that whoever kills an innocent, it is as if he has killed all mankind; and whoever saves a person, it is as if he has saved all mankind. The enduring faith of over a billion people is so much bigger than the narrow hatred of a few. Islam is not part of the problem in combating violent extremism – it is an important part of promoting peace.
We also know that military power alone is not going to solve the problems in Afghanistan and Pakistan. That is why we plan to invest $1.5 billion each year over the next five years to partner with Pakistanis to build schools and hospitals, roads and businesses, and hundreds of millions to help those who have been displaced. And that is why we are providing more than $2.8 billion to help Afghans develop their economy and deliver services that people depend upon.
Let me also address the issue of Iraq. Unlike Afghanistan, Iraq was a war of choice that provoked strong differences in my country and around the world. Today, America has a dual responsibility: to help Iraq forge a better future – and to leave Iraq to Iraqis. I have made it clear to the Iraqi people that we pursue no bases, and no claim on their territory or resources. Iraq’s sovereignty is its own. That is why I ordered the removal of our combat brigades by next August. That is why we will honour our agreement with Iraq’s democratically-elected government to remove combat troops from Iraqi cities by July, and to remove all our troops from Iraq by 2012. We will help Iraq train its Security Forces and develop its economy. But we will support a secure and united Iraq as a partner, and never as a patron.
And finally, just as America can never tolerate violence by extremists, we must never alter our principles. 9/11 was an enormous trauma to our country. The fear and anger that it provoked was understandable, but in some cases, it led us to act contrary to our ideals. We are taking concrete actions to change course. I have unequivocally prohibited the use of torture by the United States, and I have ordered the prison at Guantanamo Bay closed by early next year.
So America will defend itself respectful of the sovereignty of nations and the rule of law. And we will do so in partnership with Muslim communities which are also threatened. The sooner the extremists are isolated and unwelcome in Muslim communities, the sooner we will all be safer.
The second major source of tension that we need to discuss is the situation between Israelis, Palestinians and the Arab world.
America’s strong bonds with Israel are well known. This bond is unbreakable. It is based upon cultural and historical ties, and the recognition that the aspiration for a Jewish homeland is rooted in a tragic history that cannot be denied.
Around the world, the Jewish people were persecuted for centuries, and anti-Semitism in Europe culminated in an unprecedented Holocaust. Tomorrow, I will visit Buchenwald, which was part of a network of camps where Jews were enslaved, tortured, shot and gassed to death by the Third Reich. Six million Jews were killed – more than the entire Jewish population of Israel today. Denying that fact is baseless, ignorant, and hateful. Threatening Israel with destruction – or repeating vile stereotypes about Jews – is deeply wrong, and only serves to evoke in the minds of Israelis this most painful of memories while preventing the peace that the people of this region deserve.
On the other hand, it is also undeniable that the Palestinian people – Muslims and Christians – have suffered in pursuit of a homeland. For more than sixty years they have endured the pain of dislocation. Many wait in refugee camps in the West Bank, Gaza, and neighbouring lands for a life of peace and security that they have never been able to lead. They endure the daily humiliations – large and small – that come with occupation. So let there be no doubt: the situation for the Palestinian people is intolerable. America will not turn our backs on the legitimate Palestinian aspiration for dignity, opportunity, and a state of their own.
For decades, there has been a stalemate: two peoples with legitimate aspirations, each with a painful history that makes compromise elusive. It is easy to point fingers – for Palestinians to point to the displacement brought by Israel’s founding, and for Israelis to point to the constant hostility and attacks throughout its history from within its borders as well as beyond. But if we see this conflict only from one side or the other, then we will be blind to the truth: the only resolution is for the aspirations of both sides to be met through two states, where Israelis and Palestinians each live in peace and security.
That is in Israel’s interest, Palestine’s interest, America’s interest, and the world’s interest. That is why I intend to personally pursue this outcome with all the patience that the task requires. The obligations that the parties have agreed to under the Road Map are clear. For peace to come, it is time for them – and all of us – to live up to our responsibilities.
Palestinians must abandon violence. Resistance through violence and killing is wrong and does not succeed. For centuries, black people in America suffered the lash of the whip as slaves and the humiliation of segregation. But it was not violence that won full and equal rights. It was a peaceful and determined insistence upon the ideals at the centre of America’s founding. This same story can be told by people from South Africa to South Asia; from Eastern Europe to Indonesia. It’s a story with a simple truth: that violence is a dead end. It is a sign of neither courage nor power to shoot rockets at sleeping children, or to blow up old women on a bus. That is not how moral authority is claimed; that is how it is surrendered.
Now is the time for Palestinians to focus on what they can build. The Palestinian Authority must develop its capacity to govern, with institutions that serve the needs of its people. Hamas does have support among some Palestinians, but they also have responsibilities. To play a role in fulfilling Palestinian aspirations, and to unify the Palestinian people, Hamas must put an end to violence, recognize past agreements, and recognise Israel’s right to exist.
At the same time, Israelis must acknowledge that just as Israel’s right to exist cannot be denied, neither can Palestine’s. The United States does not accept the legitimacy of continued Israeli settlements. This construction violates previous agreements and undermines efforts to achieve peace. It is time for these settlements to stop.
Israel must also live up to its obligations to ensure that Palestinians can live, and work, and develop their society. And just as it devastates Palestinian families, the continuing humanitarian crisis in Gaza does not serve Israel’s security; neither does the continuing lack of opportunity in the West Bank. Progress in the daily lives of the Palestinian people must be part of a road to peace, and Israel must take concrete steps to enable such progress.
Finally, the Arab States must recognise that the Arab Peace Initiative was an important beginning, but not the end of their responsibilities. The Arab-Israeli conflict should no longer be used to distract the people of Arab nations from other problems. Instead, it must be a cause for action to help the Palestinian people develop the institutions that will sustain their state; to recognise Israel’s legitimacy; and to choose progress over a self-defeating focus on the past.
America will align our policies with those who pursue peace, and say in public what we say in private to Israelis and Palestinians and Arabs. We cannot impose peace. But privately, many Muslims recognise that Israel will not go away. Likewise, many Israelis recognise the need for a Palestinian state. It is time for us to act on what everyone knows to be true.
Too many tears have flowed. Too much blood has been shed. All of us have a responsibility to work for the day when the mothers of Israelis and Palestinians can see their children grow up without fear; when the Holy Land of three great faiths is the place of peace that God intended it to be; when Jerusalem is a secure and lasting home for Jews and Christians and Muslims, and a place for all of the children of Abraham to mingle peacefully together as in the story of Isra, when Moses, Jesus, and Mohammed (peace be upon them) joined in prayer.
The third source of tension is our shared interest in the rights and responsibilities of nations on nuclear weapons.
This issue has been a source of tension between the United States and the Islamic Republic of Iran. For many years, Iran has defined itself in part by its opposition to my country, and there is indeed a tumultuous history between us. In the middle of the Cold War, the United States played a role in the overthrow of a democratically-elected Iranian government. Since the Islamic Revolution, Iran has played a role in acts of hostage-taking and violence against US troops and civilians. This history is well known. Rather than remain trapped in the past, I have made it clear to Iran’s leaders and people that my country is prepared to move forward. The question, now, is not what Iran is against, but rather what future it wants to build.
It will be hard to overcome decades of mistrust, but we will proceed with courage, rectitude and resolve. There will be many issues to discuss between our two countries, and we are willing to move forward without preconditions on the basis of mutual respect. But it is clear to all concerned that when it comes to nuclear weapons, we have reached a decisive point. This is not simply about America’s interests. It is about preventing a nuclear arms race in the Middle East that could lead this region and the world down a hugely dangerous path.
I understand those who protest that some countries have weapons that others do not. No single nation should pick and choose which nations hold nuclear weapons. That is why I strongly reaffirmed America’s commitment to seek a world in which no nations hold nuclear weapons. And any nation – including Iran – should have the right to access peaceful nuclear power if it complies with its responsibilities under the nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty. That commitment is at the core of the Treaty, and it must be kept for all who fully abide by it. And I am hopeful that all countries in the region can share in this goal.
The fourth issue that I will address is democracy.
I know there has been controversy about the promotion of democracy in recent years, and much of this controversy is connected to the war in Iraq. So let me be clear: no system of government can or should be imposed upon one nation by any other.
That does not lessen my commitment, however, to governments that reflect the will of the people. Each nation gives life to this principle in its own way, grounded in the traditions of its own people. America does not presume to know what is best for everyone, just as we would not presume to pick the outcome of a peaceful election. But I do have an unyielding belief that all people yearn for certain things: the ability to speak your mind and have a say in how you are governed; confidence in the rule of law and the equal administration of justice; government that is transparent and doesn’t steal from the people; the freedom to live as you choose. Those are not just American ideas, they are human rights, and that is why we will support them everywhere.
There is no straight line to realise this promise. But this much is clear: governments that protect these rights are ultimately more stable, successful and secure. Suppressing ideas never succeeds in making them go away. America respects the right of all peaceful and law-abiding voices to be heard around the world, even if we disagree with them. And we will welcome all elected, peaceful governments – provided they govern with respect for all their people.
This last point is important because there are some who advocate for democracy only when they are out of power; once in power, they are ruthless in suppressing the rights of others. No matter where it takes hold, government of the people and by the people sets a single standard for all who hold power: you must maintain your power through consent, not coercion; you must respect the rights of minorities, and participate with a spirit of tolerance and compromise; you must place the interests of your people and the legitimate workings of the political process above your party. Without these ingredients, elections alone do not make true democracy.
The fifth issue that we must address together is religious freedom.
Islam has a proud tradition of tolerance. We see it in the history of Andalusia and Cordoba during the Inquisition. I saw it firsthand as a child in Indonesia, where devout Christians worshiped freely in an overwhelmingly Muslim country. That is the spirit we need today. People in every country should be free to choose and live their faith based upon the persuasion of the mind, heart, and soul. This tolerance is essential for religion to thrive, but it is being challenged in many different ways.
Among some Muslims, there is a disturbing tendency to measure one’s own faith by the rejection of another’s. The richness of religious diversity must be upheld – whether it is for Maronites in Lebanon or the Copts in Egypt. And fault lines must be closed among Muslims as well, as the divisions between Sunni and Shia have led to tragic violence, particularly in Iraq.
Freedom of religion is central to the ability of peoples to live together. We must always examine the ways in which we protect it. For instance, in the United States, rules on charitable giving have made it harder for Muslims to fulfil their religious obligation. That is why I am committed to working with American Muslims to ensure that they can fulfil zakat.
Likewise, it is important for Western countries to avoid impeding Muslim citizens from practicing religion as they see fit – for instance, by dictating what clothes a Muslim woman should wear. We cannot disguise hostility towards any religion behind the pretence of liberalism.
Indeed, faith should bring us together. That is why we are forging service projects in America that bring together Christians, Muslims, and Jews. That is why we welcome efforts like Saudi Arabian King Abdullah’s Interfaith dialogue and Turkey’s leadership in the Alliance of Civilizations. Around the world, we can turn dialogue into Interfaith service, so bridges between peoples lead to action – whether it is combating malaria in Africa, or providing relief after a natural disaster.
The sixth issue that I want to address is women’s rights.
I know there is debate about this issue. I reject the view of some in the West that a woman who chooses to cover her hair is somehow less equal, but I do believe that a woman who is denied an education is denied equality. And it is no coincidence that countries where women are well-educated are far more likely to be prosperous.
Now let me be clear: issues of women’s equality are by no means simply an issue for Islam. In Turkey, Pakistan, Bangladesh and Indonesia, we have seen Muslim-majority countries elect a woman to lead. Meanwhile, the struggle for women’s equality continues in many aspects of American life, and in countries around the world.
Our daughters can contribute just as much to society as our sons, and our common prosperity will be advanced by allowing all humanity – men and women – to reach their full potential. I do not believe that women must make the same choices as men in order to be equal, and I respect those women who choose to live their lives in traditional roles. But it should be their choice. That is why the United States will partner with any Muslim-majority country to support expanded literacy for girls, and to help young women pursue employment through micro-financing that helps people live their dreams.
Finally, I want to discuss economic development and opportunity.
I know that for many, the face of globalization is contradictory. The Internet and television can bring knowledge and information, but also offensive sexuality and mindless violence. Trade can bring new wealth and opportunities, but also huge disruptions and changing communities. In all nations – including my own – this change can bring fear. Fear that because of modernity we will lose of control over our economic choices, our politics, and most importantly our identities – those things we most cherish about our communities, our families, our traditions, and our faith.
But I also know that human progress cannot be denied. There need not be contradiction between development and tradition. Countries like Japan and South Korea grew their economies while maintaining distinct cultures. The same is true for the astonishing progress within Muslim-majority countries from Kuala Lumpur to Dubai. In ancient times and in our times, Muslim communities have been at the forefront of innovation and education.
This is important because no development strategy can be based only upon what comes out of the ground, nor can it be sustained while young people are out of work. Many Gulf States have enjoyed great wealth as a consequence of oil, and some are beginning to focus it on broader development. But all of us must recognize that education and innovation will be the currency of the 21st century, and in too many Muslim communities there remains underinvestment in these areas. I am emphasizing such investments within my country. And while America in the past has focused on oil and gas in this part of the world, we now seek a broader engagement.
On education, we will expand exchange programmes, and increase scholarships, like the one that brought my father to America, while encouraging more Americans to study in Muslim communities. And we will match promising Muslim students with internships in America; invest in on-line learning for teachers and children around the world; and create a new online network, so a teenager in Kansas can communicate instantly with a teenager in Cairo.
On economic development, we will create a new corps of business volunteers to partner with counterparts in Muslim-majority countries. And I will host a Summit on Entrepreneurship this year to identify how we can deepen ties between business leaders, foundations and social entrepreneurs in the United States and Muslim communities around the world.
On science and technology, we will launch a new fund to support technological development in Muslim-majority countries, and to help transfer ideas to the marketplace so they can create jobs. We will open centres of scientific excellence in Africa, the Middle East and Southeast Asia, and appoint new Science Envoys to collaborate on programs that develop new sources of energy, create green jobs, digitize records, clean water, and grow new crops. And today I am announcing a new global effort with the Organization of the Islamic Conference to eradicate polio. And we will also expand partnerships with Muslim communities to promote child and maternal health.
All these things must be done in partnership. Americans are ready to join with citizens and governments; community organizations, religious leaders, and businesses in Muslim communities around the world to help our people pursue a better life.
The issues that I have described will not be easy to address. But we have a responsibility to join together on behalf of the world we seek – a world where extremists no longer threaten our people, and American troops have come home; a world where Israelis and Palestinians are each secure in a state of their own, and nuclear energy is used for peaceful purposes; a world where governments serve their citizens, and the rights of all God’s children are respected. Those are mutual interests. That is the world we seek. But we can only achieve it together.
I know there are many – Muslim and non-Muslim – who question whether we can forge this new beginning. Some are eager to stoke the flames of division, and to stand in the way of progress. Some suggest that it isn’t worth the effort – that we are fated to disagree, and civilizations are doomed to clash. Many more are simply skeptical that real change can occur. There is so much fear, so much mistrust. But if we choose to be bound by the past, we will never move forward. And I want to particularly say this to young people of every faith, in every country – you, more than anyone, have the ability to remake this world.
All of us share this world for but a brief moment in time. The question is whether we spend that time focused on what pushes us apart, or whether we commit ourselves to an effort – a sustained effort – to find common ground, to focus on the future we seek for our children, and to respect the dignity of all human beings.
It is easier to start wars than to end them. It is easier to blame others than to look inward; to see what is different about someone than to find the things we share. But we should choose the right path, not just the easy path. There is also one rule that lies at the heart of every religion – that we do unto others as we would have them do unto us. This truth transcends nations and peoples – a belief that isn’t new; that isn’t black or white or brown; that isn’t Christian, or Muslim or Jew. It’s a belief that pulsed in the cradle of civilisation, and that still beats in the heart of billions. It’s a faith in other people, and it’s what brought me here today.
We have the power to make the world we seek, but only if we have the courage to make a new beginning, keeping in mind what has been written.
The Holy Qur’an tells us, ‘O mankind! We have created you male and a female; and we have made you into nations and tribes so that you may know one another.’
The Talmud tells us: ‘The whole of the Torah is for the purpose of promoting peace.’
The Holy Bible tells us, ‘Blessed are the peacemakers, for they shall be called sons of God.’
The people of the world can live together in peace. We know that is God’s vision. Now, that must be our work here on Earth. Thank you. And may God’s peace be upon you.
MAIN PAGE | TOP
|
|
