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Editorial
Proponents of extrajudicial
killing no less guilty
than perpetrators

WHAT the state minister for home affairs, Shamsul Haque Tuku, said on Thursday, i.e. ‘If the law enforcers are attacked by criminals when they are fighting terrorism and maintaining law and order, they must have the right to self defence’, is not essentially different from what his predecessor, Tanjim Ahmed Sohel Taj, said in May or the home minister, Sahara Khatun, has been saying ever since or the prime minister, Sheikh Hasina, said in New York in September. His statement also underlines the Awami League-led government’s seeming acceptance of extrajudicial killing by members of the Rapid Action Battalion and other law enforcement agencies as a ‘necessary evil’ that needs to be tacitly endorsed, if not actively encouraged. It also substantiates what we have written in these columns time and again, that the government’s tough talk in its early days against extrajudicial killings may have been just that – talk; and that the rights-conscious sections of society need to mobilise opinion and sustain pressure on the incumbents so that they are forced to take decisive and demonstrative actions again such a blatant violation of human rights by the law enforcement agents of the state.
   In the first 11 months or so of its tenure, the government’s stance vis-à-vis extrajudicial killing by members of the law enforcement agencies has undergone a slow but sure shift from condemnation through denial to outright justification. The Awami League did promise an end to extrajudicial killing in its election manifesto and, in the first few months of its tenure, senior members of the government did take a tough stance, in public, against such killings. In fact, at a review meeting of the UN Human Rights Council in Geneva on February 4, the foreign minister, Dipu Moni, proclaimed her government’s ‘zero-tolerance’ policy against extrajudicial killing. Subsequently, the local government, rural development and cooperatives minister and AL general secretary, Syed Ashraful Islam, asserted that ‘no extrajudicial killings will be allowed to be used as a tool of law enforcement agencies.’ Since then, however, things have gone downhill, with the home minister, the state minister for home affairs, and even the prime minister harping on self-defence as a ‘justification’ for extrajudicial killings by law enforcement agents, and those ministers who had talked tough against such killings either keeping mum or falling in line.
   Of late, in keeping with the steady surge in the number of extrajudicial killings (nearly 140 people have been killed over the past 11 months or so), the government’s distorted argument seems to have gathered force, with the shipping minister claiming on October 5 that the government would need to continue with extrajudicial killings until extortion and terrorism was uprooted. Meanwhile, the government has dithered in responding to a June 29 rule of the High Court that demanded an explanation as to why extrajudicial killings by law enforcers in the name of ‘crossfire’ and ‘encounter’ should not be declared illegal and why the authorities concerned should not be asked to take legal and departmental actions against the perpetrators of such killings.
   Overall, the government has not only defaulted on its pre-election pledge but, importantly, undermined the very concepts of the rule of law and human rights that it so tirelessly professes commitment to. If the government is really sincere about establishment of human rights and protection and promotion of human rights, it needs to take decisive and demonstrative actions against not only the perpetrators but also the proponents of extrajudicial killings. The ministers who have so brazenly endorsed extrajudicial killings should lose their place in the government. Meanwhile, the social forces need to maintain maximum pressure on the government so that it is forced to take actions against extrajudicial killing.

Obama’s Nobel set against the
burning Afghan and Iraq

ONE cannot be hawk and dove in the same breath. The awarding of the Nobel Peace Prize to Barack Obama had made the questionable peace prize more questionable. Even sympathisers were heard saying that the prize was ‘premature’. The announcement had surprised all, perhaps Obama himself too. The only justification – and a weak one – for the prize was Obama’s assertion that he would work for a nuclear-free world – a pious wish whose implementation is light years away. The path to hell, goes the saying, is paved with good intentions. If Obama were a true pacifist he should not have accepted the prize, or deferred its acceptance till he could demonstrate some tangible achievement towards the creation of a peaceful world. All the theatres of war are now as hot as they were when he took over one year ago, if not hotter. His ignoble backtracking over the question of Israeli settlements not only erodes his credentials as a man of peace but even projects him as a weak president who allows a client state to defy him atrociously. For lack of firmness he lost one more opportunity for revitalising the peace process in the Middle East.
   Not surprisingly, Obama’s popularity rating at home has dropped to below 50 per cent. When the people were expecting him to effect a 180 degree change of direction from his predecessor’s warmongering, his stance on troop withdrawal had all these months been unclear till he set all speculations to rest by ordering another 30,000 American troops into Afghanistan. His Af-Pak policy is not only destabilising Pakistan but may have grave spill-over impact in the entire region. In Iraq and Afghanistan every party or group or outfit may have its own ideology but there is a core issue and all are fighting against foreign occupation. Whatever their philosophies, their cause is unassailable. How will these Afghans and Iraqis and their worldwide sympathisers see Obama’s Nobel? Above all, how will the nearly 4,000 bereaved American families see the Nobel? And what is the psychological state of those who are fighting and are leaving their country to fight.
   And Obama’s unduly long acceptance address does not reveal the mind of a pacifist. Only he stopped short of uttering the abhorrent neo-con phrases like ‘shock and awe’. He used no euphemism when he said he just ordered that some will kill, some will be killed. His address sounds like special pleading for a course which he knows to be wrong.


Integrating indigenous knowledge
in climate change adaptation

Research on indigenous knowledge of disaster management still remains an overlooked agenda, write Mohammad Tareq Hasan and
Mohammed Abdul Baten


‘LIVING with disasters’ is a cruel reality for the people in Bangladesh. In spite of very little or no contribution to the global climate change, they are the worst victims and experiencing disproportionate share of its impact in the form of different natural disasters. The intensity and frequency of climate change-induced disasters such as cyclones, floods, tidal surges, etc have increased manifold in recent years. Of the natural disasters, cyclones associated with storm surge appear to be the most devastating, especially in the coastal areas. Super cyclones like Sidr (2007) and Aila (2008) are increasingly becoming recurrent events in this region. Bangladesh, facing the adverse impact of frequent cyclones, should increase its adaptive capacity to the disasters to achieve the Millennium Development Goals within the stipulated time. There is an overwhelming need for increasing the capacity of local people and, therefore, incorporating local people and their knowledge in all stages of policy formulation and implementation for successful adaptation to climate change.
   Indigenous communities, living in the coastal areas for centuries with unique cultural identity, are an indispensable part of nature. Rakhains, the only indigenous community with a considerable number, have been living in the coastal belt for centuries. They have developed their own perception and prediction strategies for cyclones, and effective survival strategies. These inherited, time-tested experiences of generations have been internalised through a process of socialisation. Originated within communities, based on local needs and specific to the local culture and context, this knowledge capital has helped in building the community resilience and enhancing their coping mechanisms to natural disasters (cyclones). We conducted a study at Kuakata in the southern coast in November 2008 to explore Rakhains’ coping strategies in the face of strong cyclones.
   Disaster management involves preparing for disasters before it occurs, disaster response as well as supporting and rebuilding society. The study found that Rakhains have their own adaptive strategies for pre, during, and post disaster periods of cyclones. The evidences of their community-level preparedness include the structural adjustment to reduce cyclone damage (planting tree around homesteads), specific forms of housing pattern, prediction of cyclones using the state and level of the seawater, wind direction, weather, behaviour of some living organisms, etc.
   While conducting the research, it was found that certain indigenous perception and prediction strategy, possessed by the Rakhains, always helped them to anticipate and take necessary precautions. It is, therefore, imperative to understand these special forms of knowledge. They use several terminologies to classify the intensity of cyclone. For example, cyclones with low intensity and high intensity are called leingri and laeingshi respectively.
   The Rakhains were found to use several indicators to anticipate and predict a cyclone: wind direction, heat of the wind, weather condition, behaviour of certain fish in the sea, sound of the sea and absence of the sound of lightening, colour and shape of cloud, behaviour of insects, bitter taste of rainwater, amount of water in the rivers and sea, colour and temperature of water, amount of fish found in rivers and sea, etc.
   Wind direction and speed is a major indicator for the cyclone prediction to Rakhains. Generally, in broad sense, there are four directions: south (tong), east (acche), north (mrao), and west (anao). People regardless of age and sex know that wind blowing from east (acche li thare) has the most chance of creating a cyclone. And, if the wind turns to southeast (acche tong da-ong) then there will be a tidal surge. Wind blowing from north (mrao) and northeast (mrao acche da-ong) can also create a cyclone, but the intensity will be lesser. Moreover, rise of seawater temperature and rainbow coloured cloud indicate formation of a deep depression in the sea. Whereas abnormal behaviour (jumping in the sea) of certain fish (locally called cheowa) is perceived as a symptom of rapid storm approach.
   Given their extreme vulnerability the Rakhains living in the coastal areas have developed some short-term as well as long-term adaptive strategies to cyclones. Short-term, during or just after disaster, adaptive strategies involve dismantling the floor of their houses and opening the windows during cyclones, so that, wind and water can pass through without obstruction, thus the main structures of the house remain stable. Holding on to, and binding the houses to trees or logs, looking for more dependable places like embankments, using floating items such as timbers, roofs of thatched houses, bunches of coconuts are also some good examples of adaptation technique.
   During cyclone Sidr most of the affected Rakhains survived by eating and chewing branches of banana trees and other edible plants before relief materials arrived from outside. For drinking water, the survivors collected freshwater by digging holes in the sandy beach of Kuakata. With regard to minor ailments such as fever and diarrhoea, the Rakhains use herbs and other local substances.
   On the other hand, long-term structural adjustment includes building eco-friendly houses, built upon a higher structure; these give them a better opportunity to survive during tidal surges. The practice of planting trees around their households also saves their house from strong wind and storm surge.
   In line with the reality, considering the periodic disasters affecting the Bay of Bengal coast, there is an urgent need for an effective disaster management plan to minimise the loss of lives and property. Thus, the traditional knowledge of the Rakhains may have some applicability in other disaster prone areas. In recent times, when community-based preparedness and adaptation is considered to be the most effective strategy to face the impacts of climate change, such local level indigenous knowledge must be acknowledged and documented. However, it is a matter of regret that research on ‘indigenous knowledge of disaster management’ still remains an overlooked agenda.
   Unfortunately, the existing work on disasters mostly concentrate on ‘cause and effect of disaster and its management’ carried out by the government and nongovernmental organisations. Even though UNCDD and UNESCO acknowledge the role of indigenous knowledge in combating desertification, deforestation and is trying to develop a bunch of protocols to encourage utilisation of entirely indigenous techniques in the 800 world heritage sites, there is no plan for recording, protecting, restoring and re-applying these techniques in our country context.
   In spite of some pessimistic scenarios, it is fascinating that indigenous people and their valuable knowledge have been given due importance in the proposed carbon reduction mechanism, REDD (Reducing Emissions from Deforestation and Forest Degradation), which is going to be approved at the Copenhagen climate summit. If approved, REDD would undoubtedly be an opportunity for Bangladesh, as a land of different indigenous communities with their valuable knowledge and overwhelming dependency on the forest. The Rakhains may get incentives to conserve their ‘household forests’ (which is grown surrounding the Rakhain homesteads), which they generally used as a natural barrier to cyclones. Therefore, both the objectives of carbon reduction and disaster management will be served simultaneously in a cost effective way, which can be replicated in other areas for building a disaster resilience community.
   Mohammad Tareq Hasan and Mohammed Abdul Baten are researchers at Unnayan Onneshan, an independent policy think-tank based in Bangladesh

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