Editorial
Very few reasons for high hopes yet
WITH Bangladesh Nationalist Party chairperson Khaleda Zia and Awami League president Sheikh Hasina out of prison, the former on bail and the latter by executive order, the government and a section of the news media are seemingly trying to give the impression that the remaining roadblocks to all-contested and credible elections to the ninth Jatiya Sangsad have been effectively eliminated and an electoral level playing field has been created. However, as we see it, between the time that the military-controlled interim government assumed office and now, no substantive progress has been made in creating either a level playing field or an environment conducive to all-contested and credible general elections. As such, the government and the said section of the media may be creating an illusion that could very well result in a double disappointment for the people at large and set back the process for a peaceful transition to a democratic order.
First of all, the prime prerequisite for free, fair and acceptable elections, i.e. withdrawal of the state of emergency, is yet to be fulfilled despite repeated calls from the major parties across the political divide. Second, the incumbents have thus far played deaf to the political parties’ demand that all local government elections should be deferred until after the parliamentary polls. However, only the other day, the chief election commissioner insisted that it would go ahead with its plan to conduct the upazila elections. Third, scores of political leaders and activists remain behind bars without trial. With so many thorny issues unresolved, whipping up high hopes for all-contested and credible general elections could be delusional at best and part of an elaborate deception at worst.
Crucially still, the release of Khaleda Zia and Sheikh Hasina has apparently done very little to restore the credibility of the interim government, which has been significantly eroded in the course of its not-so-covert plan to impose a new political order. Whether the government can reasonably redeem itself and win back some faith of the political parties will depend on how it deals with them in the upcoming dialogue. If in the process of the intended dialogue, the incumbents appear even a bit biased towards one political camp or the other, the goodwill that may have been created with the release of the two topmost political leaders of the country would disappear in a flash. The incumbents should have no doubt in their mind that either of the two political camps has enough organisational strength and popular support to wreak havoc, and that they may not have the ability to keep the situation under control if it were to reach such a pass.
Therefore, instead of trying to raise false hope among the people in general, the incumbents should sincerely work to resolve the thorny issues and truly create a level playing field for the general elections so that the people may freely exercise their right to adult franchise and choose who they want to be ruled by.
Post-flood relief falters,
diseases spread
As we had written in these columns a few days ago, recession of floodwaters does not end the duty of those in charge of relief and rehabilitation and they must brace themselves for the next phase of the relief programme. The government, in the light of past experience, should have anticipated the problems which follow the withdrawal of floodwaters and put its relief activities on top gear. The post-flood rehabilitation programme must be speedily directed towards controlling the spread of diseases, assessment of damage to houses, crop and property and the programme for rehabilitation, repair of damaged roads and dams and schools and other public buildings temporarily used as flood shelters, and other steps necessary to bring back normalcy in the affected areas. Needless to say, saving human life comes first and spread of diseases, especially the waterborne killers, must be prevented in all seriousness.
Reports indicate that despite predictability and forewarnings, relief is inadequate and disease control activities are also faltering. As a New Age report mentioned yesterday, the flood situation in all the districts has improved but waterborne diseases are breaking out in the inundated areas following recession of floodwaters. Quoting the health directorate general control room the report said 350 more people had contracted diarrhoea in 24 hours till Thursday. The disease has spread to 44 upazilas. If 408 medical teams are working in the area it cannot be said that personnel-wise the disease control operation is insufficient but mere numerical strength does not give the full picture; the teams must be well-supplied with medicines, both preventive and curative, and must have the required mobility to respond to the needs of remote areas. And rushing teams to the affected areas is not enough; their activities have to be monitored taking advantage of today’s instant communications system. In the case of diarrhoeal diseases modern treatment ensures that no life should be lost provided treatment is started in time. And when the time factor is critical, much depends on the mobility and flexibility of operation of the medical teams. After someone is afflicted with diarrhoeal disease, the family members must know what to do till medical team reaches the victim. Home-made saline is not difficult to produce and can be administered to prevent dehydration pending full treatment.
In the affected areas in Faridpur the local people have alleged that the medical teams are not active and the affected people did not receive the required medicines. If close monitoring and instant feedback were conducted, such allegations would not come. At the same time preventive aspect of the medical service should be given utmost attention. Arrangement for supply of uncontaminated drinking water and purification of drinking water must be universal in the affected areas. And diarrhoeal diseases are not the only ones that spread after a flood; typhoid and hepatitis and skin allergy are only too likely in the affected areas, which the medical teams will hopefully take into account.
Zardari as president: a Hobson's
choice for Pakistan?
There is hardly any credence in one PPP leader's public assertion that with Zardari's election Pakistan has entered a 'new era of democratic stability' making every Pakistani proud while Zardari's approval rating among the Pakistanis has remained abysmally poor, around 14 per cent. As his getting elected by mere 400-odd legislators is already a slap in the face of democracy; his assuming executive power would simply be an upfront abduction of democracy and rule of law, writes Taj Hashmi
HISTORICALLY, Pakistan has been a land of surprises. As its formation was not all about inevitability, so were the subsequent developments since its inception. Pakistan was not destined to be an 'Islamic Republic' or an autocratic civil or military oligarchy either, which would eventually alienate both the majority Bengalis and minority nationalities - Sindhis, Pashtuns and Baluchis - from the dominant Punjabis. Wars with India and the 'loss of East Pakistan', the emergence of Bangladesh in the Pakistani parlance, were not bound to happen. Accordingly, Benazir Bhutto's controversial widower Asif Ali Zardari's election as the 14th president of the republic might not be that shocking to many.
Then again, one is constrained to ask the questions: Why Zardari? Why not someone more acceptable and most importantly, more reputable than him, could be nominated by the ruling coalition? Or, conversely, there was no other suitable candidate for the position, one may surmise; he was the best available candidate to lead the 190 million distraught people of the fractured polity! So, let us assume that Zardari is the Hobson's choice for Pakistan. Nonetheless, the following are the consequential questions: a) Will he hold the fort for long? b) Will he remain the figure head or the executive president as per the amendment of the 1972 constitution? c) Will he be instrumental in containing Islamist terror, improving relations with India and the West and bringing Pakistanis together as a liberal Muslim democracy?
Unfortunately, the answers to the above questions are not that promising. While his personality, and most importantly, the popular perception about his character are problematic; his alienating the Punjab and/or Nawaz Sharif and his not-so-hidden agenda of remaining an executive president in a parliamentary system will be his nemeses. Above all, his willingness to give a hand to the 'War on Terror', most Pakistanis consider an 'American War', could further alienate many Pakistanis and sections of the armed forces who do not want to fight the Islamists for various reasons.
Zardari has certain advantages not enjoyed by many of his prominent compatriots. He is the widower of Benazir Bhutto and also a Sindhi Shiite Muslim. Accordingly, while being the widower of Bhutto is his trump card in South Asian 'dynastic democracy'; his ethno-religious identity turns him into the most sought-after representative of the marginalised minority in the politics of convenience and tokenism in Pakistan. His 11 year incarceration, an asset in South Asian political culture, also enhanced his credentials.
However, his liabilities outnumber his assets. Despised at home and abroad as 'Mr. Ten Percent' for his alleged corruption, he is also called a 'godfather' and 'certified thief' by Tariq Ali and one Pakistani tailor, respectively. Till his nomination as a presidential candidate, the British and Swiss governments wanted him indicted for money laundering. He is also not in the best of terms with the extended Bhutto clan.
Consequently, the question one might expect is about as to how Zardari could win the day. The first and foremost factor catapulting him to where he is today was Pervez Musharraf's decision to unhook him and his deceased spouse from all corruption charges and eventually allowing them to return to Pakistan (to play them against his and theirs common enemy, Nawaz Sharif). Benazir's assassination further strengthened his position. Soon he emerged as the 'regent' of Bilawal, his 19-year-old son and political successor of Benazir Bhutto. The post-Benazir tide of sympathy vote further embellished Zardari's citadel of power turning Bhutto's (and Zardari's) Pakistan People's Party (PPP) the single most powerful in the Parliament. And the rest is history.
Zardari outwitted and outmanoeuvred both Musharraf and Sharif. He formed the coalition with Sharif's Muslim League only to dump him later, breaking all the major promises, including the restoration of the sacked chief justice. Meanwhile, he had managed to force Musharraf to resign threatening his impeachment for various violations of the constitution.
In accordance with the constitution, members of the national and provincial assemblies elected him to the presidency by secret ballot. He got 481 out of 702 votes; 65 (100 per cent) from Sind, 56 out of 65 from the NWFP, 59 out of 65 from Baluchistan and not surprisingly, only 22 out of 65 from the Punjab, Sharif's bastion of power. Meanwhile, Zardari has mended his fence with smaller parties and former adversaries to corner the powerful Sharif Brothers (Nawaz and Shahbaz) from Punjab, although giving mixed signals to Nawaz Sharif and his party. Simultaneously, he is asking him to rejoin the coalition while Pakistani courts (far from being independent) again revived the corruption cases against the Sharif Brothers.
It seems, Zardari has also managed the army, the most powerful institution (or the most organised 'political party') and assured his wholehearted support for the not-so-popular 'war on terror'. He might complete his five-year tenure, but one is not sure if he will revert to the 1972 constitution to turn him into just a ceremonial head of state. The signs are ominous though. He publicly stated some months ago that he would avenge his incarceration and humiliation, forcing those to kowtow to him who once had called him a 'Playboy' and 'Mr Ten Per cent'.
In the event of Zardari becoming an executive president retaining all the power to dissolve the parliament and dismiss the government, Pakistan would be back to square one, to the military or quasi-military type of government of the past. There is hardly any credence in one PPP leader's public assertion that with Zardari's election, Pakistan has entered a 'new era of democratic stability' making every Pakistani proud while Zardari's approval rating among the Pakistanis has remained abysmally poor, around 14 per cent. As his getting elected by mere 400-odd legislators is already a slap in the face of democracy; his assuming executive power would simply be an upfront abduction of democracy and rule of law.
In sum, irrespective of which way Zardari goes, the world at large and the US in particular, should be cautious in dealing with him, abandoning altogether the policy of doing business with the Marcoses, Suhartos, Zias and Musharrafs. We must respect and listen to the people of Pakistan (and their elected representatives). Abandoning the short-term and military approach (as if terrorism is the only problem afflicting Pakistan and the adjoining region!), long-term inclusive policies should be adopted so that Pakistan confidently abandons its 'siege mentality' vis-à-vis India and Afghanistan. Meanwhile, short-term measures should be taken to address the country's growing fiscal deficit, inflation and the pressure on balance of payment. While containing and eliminating terrorism should be the prime concern, especially in Pakistan and adjoining Afghanistan, how to 'Pakistanise' the so-called 'American war on terror' is the biggest challenge for the US. Taking the people, not discredited politicians like Zardari, into confidence would be the first step in this regard; rewarding not reprimanding Pakistan for its support for the 'war on terror' should be the next step.
MAIN PAGE | TOP
|
|
