Editorial
Govt’s rigidity stands in the way of meaningful dialogues
The military-controlled interim government and the Bangladesh Nationalist Party finally sat down for official talks on Tuesday to discuss ways to ensure participatory and credible general elections to the ninth parliament. However, the talks were evidently inconclusive as both sides, by and large, stuck to their respective positions without any hint of a compromise. During the talks, the BNP demanded among other things the withdrawal of the state of emergency prior to the national polls, repeal of amendments to the Representative of People Order, holding of polls on the basis of the old constituencies and deferment of upazila polls by a reasonable length of time. The government has suggested that both sides meet again soon, which would presumably take place after the government delegation is able to consult with its ‘mentors’. We believe, however, that while the government holding dialogues with the major parties, particularly the BNP with which it has had an acrimonious relationship for much of its tenure, shows signs of progress, there is no point in holding dialogues just for the sake of it if no agreement is reached. It may be mentioned that the government’s talks with the Awami League, the other major party, have also ended inconclusively. If the government has already decided to hold firm on its positions with regard to elections, then these dialogues are nothing but complete waste of time for everyone concerned. Dialogues can only be meaningful if the government is willing to listen to what the parties have to say and to alter their position accordingly. And yet, on the single issue that every major political party seems to be in agreement with, that the state of emergency should be withdrawn in full and not just relaxed before the next elections, the government appears the most rigid. This is extremely unfortunate and calls into question the efficacy of the dialogue process itself. These dialogues would be far more fruitful if the government was willing to alter its positions in order to accommodate the major demands of the political parties, at least on those issues on which there is a general consensus among the parties. If instead the government has decided not to budge from its positions, it must realise that its inflexibility may derail once again the electoral process and make participatory and credible elections impossible at this time. At the same time, we commend the parties for holding firm on the demand for the withdrawal of emergency before elections, which we believe is a popular demand, instead of compromising on this issue for opportunistic reasons. We urge the parties to continue making the case for the withdrawal of emergency in future dialogues in order to convince the regime of its necessity. If, however, talks with the government fail, the political parties would need to consider public mobilisation programmes, for the time being within the ambit currently afforded under the Emergency Powers Rules.
Food insecurity threatens our economic future
As World Food Day is marked today, the food security of millions of Bangladeshis, and for that matter tens of millions of people across the world, is crumbling under the weight of rising prices of food and other essentials. According to studies, roughly 12 million people in Bangladesh alone have fallen below the poverty line in the past year largely as a result of high food prices. A special issue published by New Age today features interviews with small farmers from all thirty agro-ecological zones of the country, and the verdict they deliver is a grim one. The narratives almost consistently tell of farmers and their families suffering from hunger even after a good harvest, farmers who have pulled their children out of school to send them to work, and are selling their land either to pay off debts accumulated in the past year, or to opt for some line of wage labour. This malnutrition and poor education will take their greatest toll on children and their productive potential, dragging Bangladesh down in terms of numerous social indicators such as infant mortality or immunisation, in which Bangladesh achieved tremendous strides forward. Meanwhile the bankruptcy of small farmers en masse could destroy the agricultural base of the economy, and thus the economy itself. It is important to keep in mind today that agriculture still accounts for nearly 50 per cent of the total employment in the economy. The ongoing food crisis is a double-edged sword for the small farmer. On the one hand, the dividends of high food prices do not accrue to him because he essentially sells his produce to a buyers market where predatory middlemen buy cheap and often stock up till prices rise. In many cases farmers will sell their standing crops for a little extra cash to tide him over during an extreme weather event. On the other hand, the markets from which the small farmer buys his inputs such as seeds and fertiliser are highly regulated where prices rarely, if ever, fall. Coupled with this are the chronic shortages of fertiliser, the rising costs of erratic power supply, and the freshly hiked prices of fuel used for irrigation. We believe the time has now come for government to step in and salvage the remains of small-scale agriculture by increasing the levels of farming subsidies and strengthening social safety net programmes to reduce the number of landless families that are reeling from unemployment and penury. Meanwhile, we demand that the government should play an active role in transforming the SAARC food bank into a meaningful reality, so that global or regional food shortages can be smoothened out with a contingency stock. Today, Bangladesh’s economic and social future is deeply threatened by the food insecurity that the majority of the citizens are living in. The government can no longer remain apathetic to their plight.
Maldives: fundamentalism is the mortal challenge
Maldives though a cluster of sequestered islands has passed through some interesting historical experiments. Even then, its present challenges are of a new kind. Its placidity is drowned in the contemporary turmoil of drugs and crime and it is being sucked into the vortex of Islamist extremism even though the government seeks to promote the liberal Shaa’fi doctrine of Islam and to stay clear of Wahhabism. The current drive for democratisation of the polity presents an opportunity in this regard, writes Zakeria Shirazi
DEMOCRACY’S triumphal march has reached the shores of Maldives, the formerly Maldives Islands, or so we would like to believe for the present. The first-ever democratic presidential election held last week which produced no clear winner now goes to the second round scheduled for October 29. Maumoon Abdul Gayoom, the longest serving South Asian leader will face his arch-critic and former political prisoner Mohamed Nasheed. In the first round Gayoom by securing 41 per cent of the votes was ahead of his rival but to avoid a runoff the winner is required to poll majority of the votes. In the first round turnout was quite high (84 per cent). President Gayoom has been ruling this country of two hundred inhabited and a thousand uninhabited islands for forty years. His rule had been by and large peaceful (what else could it be with a population of three hundred thousand); nevertheless the last few years saw many upheavals. There were coup attempts. In 1988 Indian troops were called in to foil a coup by Tamil mercenaries. A few months ago Gayoom escaped an assassination attempt. He was facing criticism from rights groups for suppressing dissent. His claim that under him Maldives has become the richest country in South Asia will be widely disputed, though he may cite some evidences of prosperity. Though his rule had not been autocratic of the classic brand it could not be called democratic till adoption of the new constitution attempted to give it a democratic form. So far political parties were prohibited. Of the fifty legislators in the majlis or parliament eight were to be appointed by the president. The majlis is a unicameral legislative body. The majlis would nominate a single individual (it was always Gayoom) and ask him to seek popular endorsement in a referendum kind of yes-no vote. If he got 50 per cent affirmative vote, it was ok. The president would appoint a cabinet, with the only safeguard that the cabinet would be responsible to the majlis. The president would also appoint all the judges. This was far removed from the democratic system. Gayoom succeeded the Sultan and the sultanate rule too was something like a cross between absolute kingship and representative government. In other words, there was hardly any progress towards democratisation of the system. In 2006 President Gayoom had presented a ‘roadmap’ which would uphold human rights and permit multi-party politics. Five parties were given registration (one of which was Nasheed’s Maldivian Democratic Party) and also measures were taken to ensure independence of the judiciary. The new constitution limits the number of tenures for a president and also seeks to introduce some institutional changes that would foster democracy. However, there is a crippling provision that a non-Muslim may not become a citizen. Cent per cent people of Maldives are Muslim but that will not justify this kind of constitutional provision which violates the international human rights norms. Although popularity of Gayoom has been declining it will not be surprising if he emerges victorious. But the problems of these atolls are not only constitutional. Indeed problems that confront this nation seem endless. It is one of the worst victims of climate change and like Tuvalu may sink under the sea. The tsunami of December 2004 took a heavy toll of lives and property. (Losses estimated at $400 million or 60 per cent of the country’s GDP). At present it is experiencing a violent surge of Islamist terrorism. Traditionally the people of Maldives were moderate Muslims like Bangladeshis. Their liberalism goes back to old times. This is changing, as in Bangladesh. Tourism is the lifeline of Maldives’ economy. This was threatened last year when the first terrorist bomb was thrown at a British honeymooning couple inside a park which was a tourist resort. A section of youth have been radicalised and they allegedly travel to Pakistan to be indoctrinated and trained. Extremists are said to operate from ‘illegal’ mosques – mosques under Maldives law are to be under government control – one of which was surrounded by troops last year and got cleared of the jihadis in an operation reminiscent of Islamabad’s Lal mosque, though on a smaller scale. In a distant island called Himandoo some radicals even succeeded in building a mini-state on the Taliban model. Islamist organisations in Pakistan and the UK are allegedly funding the radicalised groups. A top rock star of Maldives made a public demonstration of his embracing fundamentalism by throwing all his CDs into the sea and calling upon his fans to give up music and reorder their lives according to fundamentalist tenets. Some commentators think that the president himself indirectly helped to fan the fundamentalist fervour to secure his rule and did not shrink from calling the moderate elements apostates if they opposed him. Praveen Swami, an Indian expert on terrorism, writes that with democratic voices silenced religious fundamentalism emerged as the principal language of dissent. Maldives is riddled with two other problems which are common problems of a disturbed society – crime and drugs. Gang war is common, crime rampant and the drug culture is spreading fast. According to NGOs’ estimate, drug users’ number has reached 8,000, a staggering figure in a country of 300,000. In this situation parents only feel relieved when their children show over-zeal about religion hoping that this will keep them away from drugs and crime. Maldives with its coconut-fringed beaches silhouetted against the lashing sea appears very boldly in tourist literature but some other facts about the country are no less remarkable. It is commonly believed that among SAARC countries Sri Lanka leads in literacy. Speaking in strictly statistical terms, this is wrong. Sri Lanka’s percentage of literacy is 90-plus but Maldives has achieved cent per cent literacy. It must not be inferred, however, that Maldives is a flourishing education centre. Literacy was universalised due to success in consolidating the traditional maktab education by incorporating some essential elements of primary curriculum like arithmetic, rudimentary science and English. English schools are also coming up but facilities for higher education are limited. At any rate President Gayoom has always shown a keen interest in education and this remains his priority. Another fact not widely known is that this small country which is among the least populous ones in the world has a density of population which approximates Bangladesh’s. This is because of the very small area – 115 square miles counting both inhabited and uninhabited islands. Though geographically isolated, Maldives has been host to major religions of the world and historically it has been open to all influences – English, Dutch, Arab. This is perhaps the cause behind the traditional liberalism of its society and relative freedom of its women. Some say that the name Maldives is of Sanskrit origin – ‘mala dipa’ or string of islands. Islam came in the 12th century and proselytisation was completed within a short time. When Ibn Battuta visited the islands two hundred years later these were being ruled by a woman sovereign, Khadija (of course the overarching vizier was her husband). Ibn Battuta, the greatest traveller of the medieval times – he travelled more than his near-contemporary Marco Polo both in terms mileage covered and number of countries visited – landed in Maldives twice and his stay there makes the most exciting part of his travels. In many ways Ibn Battuta’s experiences narrated by him seem to us as exciting as those of Casanova, minus the promiscuity. He was enthusiastically welcomed in Maldives and in consideration of his scholarly credentials and background as a courtier in the sultanate of Delhi the host sultanate made him the grand qadi or chief judge. The man who had three wives can be presumed to have been illiberal on the question of women’s emancipation and judgements of the grand qadi may not have been very popular. But that was not the reason for his exit in disgrace. He took his fourth wife from among the members of the royal family. (The world’s most intrepid traveller of his time used to travel with his wives in tandem – that way he cannot be called a misogynist). The kinsmen of Khadija may have been conservative or may not have liked Khadija and the vizier. At any rate, he was allegedly involved in an abortive palace coup. Maldives though a cluster of sequestered islands has passed through some interesting historical experiments. Even then, its present challenges are of a new kind. Its placidity is drowned in the contemporary turmoil of drugs and crime and it is being sucked into the vortex of Islamist extremism even though the government seeks to promote the liberal Shaa’fi doctrine of Islam and to stay clear of Wahhabism. The current drive for democratisation of the polity presents an opportunity in this regard. This opportunity should be grasped in all seriousness, no matter whether the incumbent president wins or loses on October 29.
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