ANALYSIS
Ideas in Bangladeshi politics
A Bangladeshi identity has gathered ground since the 1970’s. Does identity politics have a role in today’s Bangladesh? Jyoti Rahman asks
‘ …the ideas of … philosophers, both when they are right and when they are wrong, are more powerful than is commonly understood. Indeed the world is ruled by little else. …I am sure that the power of vested interests is vastly exaggerated compared with the gradual encroachment of ideas. Not, indeed, immediately, but after a certain interval … the ideas which civil servants and politicians and even agitators apply to current events are not likely to be the newest. But, soon or late, it is ideas, not vested interests, which are dangerous for good or evil.’
That’s how John Maynard Keynes finishes his General Theory. This piece discusses ideas that have shaped political alignments in Bangladesh in the past few decades.
Some might scoff at the very notion that ideas have shaped our politics. There are, after all, ample examples of the basest, most opportunistic political manoeuvrings devoid of any idea other than the naked pursuit of money and power.
Accepting this, I contend that underlying all else, key differences of ideas have shaped our political alignments. I contend that General Ziaur Rahman built his majority coalition in the late 1970’s on a set of ideas, and another set of ideas provided the basis to the political opposition to his rule. A lot of water has flowed under the Hardinge Bridge in the past three decades, but these ideas are still relevant to our politics. I contend that regardless of what happens on December 29, it is these ideas that will determine our politics in the next decade.
Differences of ideas that are the easiest to exploit politically are those around ethnic, religious or cultural identity — rallying a group against some ‘other’ group on the basis of identity politics can often trump all else. Bengal’s Hindus and Muslims rallied against each other under communal banners in the 1940’s because each perceived grave threats from the other. East Pakistanis rallied under the Bengali identity in the 1960’s. And a Bangladeshi identity has gathered ground since the 1970’s. Does identity politics have a role in today’s Bangladesh?
As most Bangladeshis are Bengali Muslims, wedging politics along ethnic or communal lines probably won’t sway the average voter. However, ethnic or religious minorities may mobilise to a degree not seen in the past because, as a result of education and increased awareness, these groups have become much more assertive against their past marginalisation.
The politics of culture is more complicated. Culture is always evolving, often in unexpected and contradictory ways. The generation that supported the twonation theory is also the generation that refused to relinquish our claim on Tagore as our own. In our own time, Bollywood looms large over the popular culture, and through satellite television and the internet global trends affect us now more than ever before. There was once a debate about our ‘traditional culture’. That debate may or may not have been resolved, but it has most likely been bypassed. As a result of regional and global developments, our culture has evolved in ways unimaginable a generation ago. To use Rushdie’s phrase, we live in a chutneyfied world where cultural purity is a difficult, if not unsustainable, concept.
This chutneyfication is a result of globalisation. Globalisation — freer flows of goods, people, finance and ideas across international borders — has lifted material standards of living of millions of people around the world. The garments sector and remittances from the émigrés are examples of two benefits of globalisation for Bangladesh. But globalisation, and the market economy as such, do not benefit everyone equally. Globalisation also means that crises are also global, as we have been finding out in recent weeks. And for many, no amount of material gains can compensate for the loss of traditional values and ideals — the chutneyfication — caused by globalisation.
These criticisms of globalisation are, however, not new. An earlier era of globalisation led to Marx and his revolutionary ideology. Traditionalists in Europe and elsewhere eschewed liberalism, the ideology behind market economy and globalisation, for extreme nationalism that ended in Fascism. In our own time, reactions against globalisation have led to the election of socialist or social democratic parties to power in Latin America and India. And the whole capitalist project has come into question, again, in the past few months.
Bangladesh doesn’t have any socialist party to speak of, but one can imagine that there are many looking for an alternative to the market economy. Can they mobilise politically? Further, different regions of Bangladesh have not grown evenly in the past quarter century, and if such trends continue, regional disparity can play a major role.
In today’s Bangladesh, globalisation makes economic integration with India immensely profitable. There have been many, particularly in the corporate sector, supporting a ‘tilt towards India’. And we have witnessed the expression of this in the actions, if not words, of the current and past governments. But there are many for whom anything Indian is anathema. A reflexive antipathy towards our neighbour remains a rallying force for them. Therefore, attitudes towards India will continue to be a major factor, as it has been in the past.
Some of the reflexive Indophobes espouse radical or fundamentalist Islamist ideologies. In fact, across the Muslim world and among the Muslim diaspora, political Islam provides a potent mix of a promised egalitarian society and cultural purity that appeal to many disaffected by globalisation. Some Islamist factions have chosen violent jihad over electoral democracy. Those who renounce peaceful politics for violent revolution will be primarily confronted by state violence. But political Islamist fundamentalism will remain a force in Bangladesh.
Plus ça change, plus c’est la même chose. Market economy or socialism, pro-India or anti-India, dealing with political Islam, integrating the minority communities — our politics faced these ideological issues three decades ago. Various pro-market, antiIndia and Islampasand factions supported General Zia. Awami League and other opposition parties drew support from socialists, Indophiles and the minority communities. Since then, these dividing lines may have become blurred, but the underlying questions posed by these ideas remain.
What could happen in the future?
Socialism may or may not be a plausible option in Bangladesh, but opposition to globalisationinduced social injustices can be a potent force. An alliance between regionalist and/or populist anti-globalisation factions and Islamists is possible. But ideological incompatibilities make any alliance between social reformers and Islamists difficult. Meanwhile, the past alliance between Indophobes (Islamists and non-Islamists) and the corporate sector will come under pressure given the gains to be made from opening up to India.
If the corporate supporters of globalisation are willing to address social justice issues through sustained and balanced economic growth, then that may provide the basis for a stable coalition. One can interpret the political experiments of the recent years as a search for such a coalition. But if this coalition cannot win popular support, and deliver social and material progress, then a populist backlash will be inevitable.
Jyoti Rahman is a blogger and can be contacted at dpwriters@drishtipat.org
BALLOTSBLOG
Beleaguered youth
by Mahtab Haider
Voters aged between 18-25 years comprise nearly a third of the new electorate. Another third (47 million) of the country’s population are below the age of 15. So, any alliance that speaks a language that young adults understand could swing elections in their favour this time and for decades to come.
Realising this perhaps, the Awami League dedicate their ‘Vision-2021’ manifesto ‘to the young generation.’ The BNP too make a play for the gallery with a section on the jubasamaj in theirs. But a closer reading of the manifestos reveals how hopelessly out of sync they are with the issues affecting youth today. No surprise too since their venal power struggles keep young people out of politics, making them ageing parties in a nation of young people.
Despite the faltering education system, both parties seem to think that IT education in schools is the silver bullet – just as successive governments once believed that a submarine cable to the WWW would magically transform us into a software exporting nation. While the BNP promises easy terms for business loans for young entrepreneurs, a university degree — a privilege of the few — is a pre-requisite. The AL’s proposal of job guarantees is more mainstream but relies on charity rather than individual enterprise.
Lack of security and high crime rates, as well as the rising incidence of drug use, are some of the major issues affecting youth that get little attention in the manifestos. The economic, social and academic potential of young women, in particular, is greatly affected by insecurity. While both parties pledge to reduce crime, the crime-politics nexus looks likely to hold or get stronger in coming years.
Without representative political leadership within party ranks, young people seem to be among the most beleaguered vote banks in this year’s elections. To rectify this, the parties could have at least pledged to gradually allow a younger generation of leaders from the grassroots assume positions of power within the party structure. They haven’t. They want the votes, they don’t want to change.
VOXPOP
The two main parties, Awami League and the Bangladesh Nationalist Party, have declared lofty manifestoes. But will they really be able to implement all the pledges? Shoumitra Mazumdar asks people in Rajshahi
Abdur Rauf Bacchu, businessman
I do not think either alliance will be able to implement their manifestoes. Particularly, it is impossible for them to free the Anti Corruption Commission because they will get involved with corruption once they get to power.
Raju Ahmed, roadside vendor
I think that after the recent political changeover has been a lesson for the major parties. So, as far as I understand the party in government will try to implement its manifesto properly.
Rezaul Karim, tea stall owner
None of the parties will implement their big manifestoes. We know that before every election the parties present such manifestoes but they never think about their manifestoes after assuming office.
Anup Kumar Paul, student
We know that before election the parties try to compete with each other. It is like who can present bigger manifesto. They only do it to draw attention with ambitious promises eventually failing to implement them.
Sultan Mahmud Reza, college teacher
We love to dream big. The two big alliances have presented big manifestoes. If any political party wants to implement their own manifesto, they will need more time than their current tenure of five years.
Mozaffar Hossain, banker
The two big alliances announced manifestoes hoping to secure more votes. It is impossible to implement these manifestoes by either alliance in the near future because our resources are scarce.
SKL Mohammed Lalon, social activist
I am confused over implementation of the manifestoes because most of the corrupt politicians are now free and they are nominated again by the parties. So, I think, it will be difficult to implement the manifestoes.
Shukur Uddin, rickshaw-puller
I don’t think that it is impossible for the parties to implement their manifesto if they genuinely want to. But, going by past experience, they don’t seem to remember their pledges once in office.
READERSPEAK
Democratic disease
Now that the emergency is going to be lifted, watch how quickly our ‘democratic’ politicians plunge into all sorts of undemocratic business. Watch how they intrude into our lives and desecrate our environment with their posters, loudspeakers, slogans and rallies. Watch how they take over this country as if it were their personal property. With the arrival of democracy, extortionists and underworld figures would also start coming out soon.
Welcome to a democratic Bangladesh.
Azad Miah
Oldham, UK
FEMA barred
That the Election Commission has barred FEMA from observing the upcoming elections has stunned me. The EC has rejected the registration of FEMA on the ground of its president’s connection with politics. But it is well known to all that he was associated with politics for a short period of time and resigned from politics more than one and a half year ago.
I am familiar with FEMA and this is the biggest election observing organisation in the country working with its very strong volunteer base. The EC should reconsider its decision.
Parvez
Khulna
Human rights and the minorities
On 12 and 13 December the Awami League and the BNP, the two major political parties, made their election manifestos public. It was hoped that the issues of different minorities, ethnic, cultural, religious and linguistic, will get a place in their manifestos. Significantly, these manifestos were announced at a time when only on December 10, we observed the 60th anniversary of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. While the manifesto of the Awami League is silent on the issues of minorities and human rights situations in the country except the pledges to implement the Chittagong Hill Tracts Peace Accord in full, the manifesto of the BNP says, ‘The state will ensure safety and security of all people, irrespective of their religious and ethnic identity, and will cooperate in upholding their constitutional, religious and social rights.’
Ahmed Ilias
Dhaka
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Next on Readerspeak
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a. Emergency repeal ordn approved (New Age, December 15)
b. AL, JP cross swords for 14 seats, BNP, Jamaat for 6: Total number of candidates stands at 1,538 (New Age, December 15)
c. Khaleda asks party men to guard against polls rigging (New Age, December 15)
d. Voters urged not to cast votes for razakars (New Age, December 15)
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Life in the east: control
without normalcy
The situation today suggests that the present government’s formula of militarily defeating the LTTE and setting up a new administration in the face of combat with the LTTE is not a formula to give people confidence that their security is guaranteed. It may be a formula for a visible normalcy to outside observers. But for the people
who live in that area, the insecurity that comes from continuing killings by the warring parties will continue to haunt them, writes Jehan Perera from Colombo
MORE than a year and a half after the government retook all inhabited territory in the east and dismantled the LTTE’s administrative apparatus there, the periodic reports of violence and killings continue to be a problem in that former war zone. There is an informal travel advisory against foreigners travelling to the east on account of the absence of security guarantees, and government members do not travel there without special security.
When the National Peace Council held its Human Rights Day event in Ampara in the east on December 10, I found myself duty-bound to participate, despite family concerns about safety. As we anticipated an especially prolonged journey due to tight security measures on the way that would slow down travel, we allocated ten hours for the journey from Colombo to Ampara, just to make sure to be there on time. We completed the journey in little over seven hours, having left Colombo early in the morning at 3:30am.
The absence of a large number of soldiers guarding the road, especially within the boundaries of the Eastern Province, and the limited number of security checkpoints at which we had to stop, was not what we had expected. Although our driver had to get down at checkpoints on a few occasions to write the vehicle registration number and other details, the rest of us could remain in our vehicle even on the few occasions we had to stop at security checkpoints. This was not due to any special treatment to us.
As we reached Ampara much earlier than anticipated, and without much hassle, we decided to drive further into the district and see the coastal areas. We drove up to Kalmunai. The visible picture was the same, of a limited security presence, few restrictions on travel and relatively normal life, as far as we could make out by looking upon the passing scene. On the other hand, we did see those in public buses having to get down and walk through the checkpoints with their belongings.
Surface normalcy
At the level of physical visibility the situation in Ampara would appear to be one of normalcy, and this is how the government seeks to project it. Government spokespersons often say that the east is indeed a model that they wish the north to follow. The key components of the eastern model would be the military defeat of the LTTE, the dismantling of its administrative structures, the conduct of provincial elections and the setting up of an elected provincial administration. The sequence is demilitarisation to be followed by democracy and the good things that accompany it.
On the other hand, informal discussions with government authorities and civil society representatives in Ampara disclosed another reality that is not immediately visible to the short term visitor from outside the area. We were told that fifty meters away from the roads we had travelled on, and on either side of them, there were soldiers stationed. They were there to deter the LTTE from coming in and to safeguard the civilian population from hit and run attacks. The limited military presence on the side of the main road is part of the security strategy not to create an atmosphere of tension in the minds of the people.
It was said that about a hundred LTTE cadre are believed to be in the nearby jungles, including the famous Yala wildlife sanctuary. As seen in the Mumbai attacks, small groups of trained militants can cause havoc to civil life, by attacking the crowded buses that ply by day and night and even military personnel who patrol the roads. There were such attacks several months ago on passenger buses. Indeed, about five months ago, one of the members of our group had seen two policemen in the vehicle in front being shot by gunmen with silencers and drop to the ground.
We were told that the security forces are ceaselessly engaged in searching for landmines, claymore mines and LTTE cadre who seek to disturb the fragile peace and bring death to people. The appearance of normalcy at first impressions is therefore not real. There is a constant sense of being at the razor’s edge for knowledgeable inhabitants of the province. The killing of between thirty to fifty civilians by gunmen in the past few weeks in the east has added to the people’s sense of insecurity. Not all of these killings are blamed on the LTTE. The chief minister of the Eastern Province, Pillayan, has even resorted to a hunger strike to protest his powerlessness to remedy this terrible situation.
Interesting contrast
There is an interesting contrast between the situation today, where the government claims normalcy, and what existed in the period 2002-2003 during the height of the ceasefire agreement. A few weeks after that agreement was signed, thousands of people from outside of the east journeyed there for reasons of tourism and business without fear. The commitment given by the LTTE and the then government to stop fighting with guns gave the people confidence that their security was guaranteed.
On the other hand, the situation today suggests that the present government’s formula of militarily defeating the LTTE and setting up a new administration in the face of combat with the LTTE is not a formula to give people confidence that their security is guaranteed. It may be a formula for a visible normalcy to outside observers. But for the people who live in that area, the insecurity that comes from continuing killings by the warring parties will continue to haunt them.
Those who know of this insecurity include the security forces. More than anyone else they are aware of the volatile nature of the region in which they have to function. As a result, they are first ones to offer special security to those who visit the east and who might pose targets to those whose interest it is to show that the government’s restoration of normalcy in the east is not normalcy at all. We were beneficiaries of this sense of responsibility. But special security measures are not the answers that people are looking for. They want true peace and security. Unless a peace process resumes there is no hope of peace at all.
Jehan Perera is media director of the National Peace Council in Colombo, Sri Lanka. jehanpc@sltnet.lk
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