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Editorial
Corruption of few should not be
allowed to malign image of many

The Berlin-based Transparency International has published its latest Corruption Perceptions Index which shows a slight improvement in Bangladesh’s position although the score remained the same, which indicates that despite the apparent improvement the situation remains as bad as before. While a section of society has repeatedly disapproved of the status of, and rejected the conclusion about Bangladesh, economists have questioned the methodology and the process through which the rankings are arrived at. It has also been pointed out that the index is merely an indicator of perception, as opposed to the actual institutional corruption.
   We agree that the perception index is hardly an objective indicator of corruption, lacking a robust and rigorous methodology, but at the same time, it cannot be denied that corruption pervades all spheres and levels of public life in Bangladesh. Through the years government offices and public services have become increasingly corrupt. However, it should also be pointed out that corruption in government offices, which is the matter of greatest concern to us, is fuelled to a large part by foreign multinationals, foreign investors and even the international financial institutions.
   As for the report of the corruption watchdog, we should regard it no more or less than an indicator of how some sections of the people think about the government as regards corruption. But perception is important too. Regardless of the real situation, countries placed at the top as free of corruption enjoy a better image and will naturally enjoy an advantage in terms of business and commerce.
   The perception that naturally arises out of such reports is one that subsequently becomes applied to the entire nation although most of the general people are only victims of this corruption. As such the corruption index should further qualify that it is the ruling sections who are corrupt and not the populace in general. The ruling elites have no right to malign the character of the entire nation either.
   The citizens, civil society as well as ruling governments should become more aware of this and gradually strive for more transparency and accountability in public offices as well as bringing about a change in the perception, which is only imposed upon us. But efforts to weed out corruption overnight would naturally result in economic slowdown – as Bangladesh is currently witnessing – in any country in a similar phase of economic transition. There must be a concerted plan to fight corruption and the targets should include businessmen and bureaucrats alike, not just politicians. The drive to eliminate corruption should also focus on the irregularities and illicit deals involving projects of foreign corporations, or those funded by agencies and organisations based in the developed countries, who not only export corruption but in fact encourage it to ensure their commercial interests.
   As for the real challenge, which is to rid the system of corruption to a level as may be reasonable in the current context, the military-driven interim government should deal with the matter comprehensively and not target a certain section of the guilty parties.

Monarchy must not hinder Nepal’s
march to democracy

The latest allegations by Nepal’s Maoist rebels that a section of the country’s army – traditionally loyal to the Monarchy – is planning a coup to prevent Nepal from being declared a republic later this year comes as an alarming development. The peace and political stability that Nepal is currently witnessing has come at the heavy cost of over a decade of civil war and King Gyanendra’s despotic rule since 2005. The April Uprising of 2006 that toppled Gyanendra’s autocratic regime voiced a groundswell of support for a return to a democracy, and a rejection of the monarchy, in the face of the draconian and repressive tactics that the king and his security forces had employed in the final months of his rule.
   It is also important to remember that the ordinary Nepali welcomed the entry of the Maoist rebels into the mainstream of politics at the time, in the hope that they were seeing an end to a violent insurgency that had claimed over 13,000 lives since 1996. When the Maoist leaders agreed to end their ‘people’s war’ in November last year, and joined an interim government that is to hold elections to a constituent assembly in November this year, the principal demand they made was the abolition of Nepal’s 200-year-old monarchy which has time and again played a sinister role in undermining democracy by seizing power with the backing of the Royal Nepalese Army. The rebels also demanded that the first-past-the-post electoral system be changed in favour of a parliament determined by proportional representation which, we believe, will take Nepal forward in the path of democracy and people power. Last week the top Maoist leadership walked out of the interim government on the grounds that the November polls will be meaningless unless these two conditions are fulfilled before the elections. We are heartened to note that the rebel leaders have subsequently assured that they will not make a return to violent means to achieve their political goals.
   Preserving institutions that belong to a feudal era and preserve asymmetrical power balances against the people’s sovereignty cannot be in the interest of democracy. While we recognise the immense religious significance of the line of Nepal’s Shah kings in the eyes of the common people, we believe that the monarchy has squandered that love and respect through repeated ‘royal takeovers’ and last year’s people’s movement was the consensus on the rejection of the monarchy. In keeping with the new Nepal born from the ashes of civil war and autocracy, perhaps King Gyanendra should consider entering politics as an election candidate and the head of a political party, to test his popularity in the eyes of the people.
   But it is also important to point out that the Maoists must be cautious not to undermine the elections to a constituent assembly scheduled for November 22. The chance for a new democratic polity that Nepal has attained must be defended against the opportunism and adventurism of sinister forces at home and abroad. It is imperative that Nepal’s democracy movement become a testimony to the sovereignty of ‘people power.’


Tortuous, torturous traffic
To make a system work, it requires collective willingness and the habit of following the rules and regulations. But in our country, nobody – be it the commuters, the drivers or the authorities concerned – appears willing to put in the effort to make the traffic system run smoothly, writes Sonia Kristy

Weekdays, time: 10:45am, location: Kakrail, destination: Farmgate – how long should the journey take? Fifteen or twenty minutes at most, right? Wrong. One will be lucky if one makes it in one hour and a half. Commuting on weekdays in the month of Ramadan can be even more daunting and energy sapping. A trip from Motijheel at around 4:30pm to Mirpur Section 12 could well mean for a fasting commuter that he or she would have to break his or her fast on the road. What is truly ‘mega’ about the so-called mega-city of ours, it seems, is its ‘mega traffic jam.’
   The city traffic, most of the time, is simply unnerving – lack or complete absence of discipline; jam-packed buses, minibuses and tempos loading and offloading passengers in the middle of the roads; very few traffic-policemen either busy checking the license of a motorised vehicle or chatting or in many cases resting away by the pavement waiting for the jam to ease off automatically. At some places, the automated traffic lights are out of order while, at others, where these still work, neither the traffic policemen nor the drivers pay any heed. Pedestrians, on the other hand, follow their own rules. Be there any zebra crossing or footbridge or underpass or not, most of them would make their way through the speeding cars, trucks, buses and what have you, endangering not only themselves but also others.
   The ever-deteriorating and never-ending traffic congestion in the city is the result of a number of complex issues. One of them is the stupendous increase in the city’s population. As more people come to the city for education, employment, services, the demand is for more and more transport which on the one hand encourages unscrupulous people to get involved in the transport sector and carry on with their business illegally, for example with invalid documents, fake licences, untrained drivers, and on the other makes the task rather difficult for the authorities concerned to control and monitor the system in a coordinated and regulated manner.
   There are just too many vehicles, too few roads and fewer traffic policemen to maintain smooth operation of traffic throughout the cities. With the population increases the number of vehicles; more and more new automobiles take to streets every day. However, as is the practice in the developed world, the old ones are not withdrawn from the streets. The city roads are short in length and not as wide as they should be to accommodate the ever-growing number of vehicles. As an obvious outcome, the traffic control system are going bad from worse as thousands of automobiles choke the roads from dawn to late in the night while the dilapidated conditions of most of the roads cry for an urgent need for repair and carpeting.
   There are too many traffic signals on Dhaka roads to make driving or commuting a hassle-free experience. For example, the three-kilometre road from Cantonment third gate to Shahbagh roundabout has as many as eight signals. The frequent stops at the traffic signals not only slow down the normal flow of traffic but also waste valuable working hours. The situation deteriorates when vehicular flow comes to a halt at any one point because of an accident or a procession. Ideally, in a large city, roads should be wider and they should run for miles with only a few smaller roads traversing them at strategic points. But in Dhaka we find private cars, taxis, auto-rickshaws and small trucks spilling dangerously into the main thoroughfares from dozens of smaller roads and lanes on the two sides. About 15 narrow roads and narrower lanes join the main road between the Dhaka Cantonment and the Shahbagh crossing.
   In 2004, a World Bank-funded modern signalling system was taken up under the Dhaka Urban Transport Project with the intention of bringing discipline and order in traffic management. By August the modern signalling system was installed in 59 points of the city. The authorities claimed then that this would help reduce emission by seven per cent, fuel use by 12 per cent; delay caused on roads by 20 per cent and stop time at different city points by 40 per cent. In 2007, the traffic congestions and jams are getting out of hand of the authorities with electronic traffic signals going on and off diligently but ineffectively while the traffic department of the Dhaka Metropolitan Police are at odds over duration of the traffic lights making on-duty policemen overriding the automated signals at will, creating more chaos.
   The city and traffic administrations have regularly been criticised for failures to bring some semblance of order in vehicular and pedestrian movements. They have been charged with corruption, ineptitude, lack of planning and coordination, what not. It is true that traffic constables do take even Tk 2 in bribe to let vehicles take the wrong lane or a wrong turn. It is also true that traffic sergeants let unauthorised drivers get away in return for hefty bribe and that the authorities sit idle when most drivers of public transport run their vehicles with forged documents and driving licences.
   Nearly four lakh rickshaws that ply on the city roads are often seen as the biggest contributor to the traffic gridlock. There have been calls for banning these altogether, and efforts have already been taken to restrict rickshaw movements from certain thoroughfares. However, as a practical matter, it cannot be ignored that the rickshaws serve some very important purposes. For those associated with this sector, it is a source of income and for those belonging to the lower-income group it is a one reliable and affordable mode of transport besides its zero contribution to air pollution. Banning these without creating alternatives for the rickshaw-pullers and the passengers makes no economic sense; neither does it do any public good rather separate lanes for bicycles and rickshaws seem quite viable.
   If anything the authorities suffer from a myopic notion that the rickshaws are the sole reason of traffic jam. Instead of making sustainable plans and policies on how to streamline the city’s overall traffic, the authorities seem more enthusiastic about throwing the unlicensed rickshaws off the roads. While doing so, they don’t bother about providing an alternative mode of earning to those rickshaw-pullers whom they are making unemployed or doesn’t care about the commuters who will be
   suffering due to want of enough transportation.
   For the planning and management of traffic and maintenance of roads and highways, a number of organisations are involved in our country. The communications ministry is the highest regulatory and policymaking body of the government in the sector while the Roads and Highways Department is responsible for construction, reconstruction and maintenance of national highways, regional and feeder roads. City development authorities like Rajuk, Chittagong Development Authority, Khulna Development Authority and Rajshahi Development Authority, district councils and local government bodies are responsible for the development of roads in their respective areas. City corporations and municipalities maintain transportation infrastructures in cities and urban areas and issue license to rickshaws while the Bangladesh Road Transport Authority issues license for motorised transports and also the route permit to passenger buses. The Bangladesh Road Transport Corporation operates state-owned buses and goods carriers and manages the Rupantarito Prakritic Gas Company Limited to provide compressed natural gas as fuel for automobiles. And as for controlling the traffic, the police authorities are responsible. Despite having all these organisations we have a deplorable traffic system as instead of giving a concerted effort in improving the overall communication, transport and traffic situation, these organisations – most of which complain of manpower shortage and fund crunch, suffer from mismanagement and corruption and so on – work almost autonomously without zero coordination among them and there doesn’t seem to be any initiative taken on the part of any quarter to improve the situation.
   Some drastic measures have to be taken to bring sanity on the roads and it’s been long overdue. Stern action should be taken against all unfit and old vehicles and need to be taken off the roads. The BRTA and other relevant agencies should give more efforts to educate the drivers of public transports regarding the importance of obeying traffic laws and regulations. The existing city roads need to be made wider and new roads constructed so that commuters may have three to four alternate roads to reach destinations in any given direction. The city badly needs many more flyovers for inter-city vehicles to circumvent all the major roads in the city centre. Steps need to be taken to keep the city roads free from rain water logging.
   Other steps include installing better traffic control technologies (better road signs, easily visible and properly timed traffic signals, creating one way streets, etc), strictly enforcing traffic regulations by deploying well trained and closely supervised traffic police can be considered as some important steps.
   To make a system work, it requires collective willingness and the habit of following the rules and regulations. But in our country, nobody – be it the commuters, the drivers or the authorities concerned – appears willing to put in the effort to make the traffic system run smoothly. It doesn’t matter how much fund we provide, how modern system and equipment we introduce, how many traffic police we deploy things will remain as deplorable as it is now, if we — the commuters and the authorities — remain reluctant to make it work.


LETTER FROM DELHI
A tunnel without end

S Nihal Singh
Israelis are effectively destroying the prospect of a viable Palestinian state, with splendid American help. What can an American-sponsored conference achieve when President Bush’s motives are highly suspect and the tragedy of the Palestinians is being enacted before the Muslim and Arab world each single day? What levers can a lame duck US president employ to get Israelis to give anything more than loose change?

The US secretary of state, Condoleezza Rice, had a difficult task in trying to convince people during her most recent swing through West Asia that the American-sponsored conference on the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, planned for November, would not be a photo opportunity. For good reasons, because no occupant of the White House other than President George W Bush has been so total in his support of Tel Aviv’s goal of permanently subjugating Palestinians.
   During the first term of his presidency, through the fog of ‘road maps’ and a promised Palestinian state, Mr Bush let Ariel Sharon destroy the physical infrastructure of a Palestinian state down to Yasser Arafat’s last helicopter – the first fruits of the Oslo accords – but also blessed Israel’s major illegal settlements on occupied land and an enlarged Israel. The Israeli army re-entered major Palestinian towns, cutting up the area into Bantustans, building apartheid roads and a maze of checkpoints that made life hell for Palestinians.
   The cruellest joke of all was the evacuation and abandonment of the Gaza Strip, locking it up on land, in the air and on sea. Hamas, which came to power in a free election, was all but excommunicated, ultimately to claim the Strip from the Fatah faction of President Mahmoud Abbas in a nasty fight. In the Israeli dictionary, it is now an ‘enemy entity,’ threatened with further privations for its unfortunate people.
   But the crowning glory of the US-backed Israeli state is the building of a wall zigzagging around settlements, eating up more occupied land, separating Palestinians from their fields, schools and kith and kin. The wall encompasses the heart of the Israeli state, with access to occupied East Jerusalem cut off, while the rest of the West Bank is cut into ribbons by exclusive settler roads and illegal Israeli settlements.
   I recently asked a Turkish expert on Israel in Ankara whether he saw the proverbial light at the end of the tunnel on the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. He answered with the question, why leave the tunnel? While his inference was that both sides were dreaming their dreams, his answer was prescient in a larger sense. The Israelis are sitting pretty, continuing to occupy Palestinian land and expanding their stranglehold on Palestine; the Palestinians, meanwhile, are quarrelling among themselves, and the benign Uncle Sam is smiling.
   Why should Israel do anything to give Palestinians their land and justice? Yes, there is ‘world public opinion,’ but Israelis have found that it is easily assuaged by token acts of releasing some Palestinian prisoners while arresting some more. And there are the talks with an ineffectual President Abbas, photo opportunities showing Prime Minister Ehud Olmert and President Mahmoud Abbas wreathed in smiles. The time for substantive talks is not yet, Israelis say. With luck and America at their side, it may never arrive.
   The fly in the ointment is America’s role in the region and the world, and the large shadow that President Bush’s underwriting of a Greater Israel has been casting on his ability to extricate his troops from the Iraq quagmire and fight his ‘war on terror.’ Iraq is now a new breeding ground for terrorists where none had existed, and America’s ability to convince the world’s Muslims that they are not fighting a crusade is severely dented by the continuing subjugation of Palestinians, with active US help.
   President Bush’s predecessor too tried his hand at resolving the Israeli-Palestinian conflict towards the end of his final term of presidency. He got as close as any US president could to a framework for a solution, but was defeated by time. Here one gets to the compulsion of American politics and the power of the American Jewish lobby to help elect or defeat a US president. Which explains why President Bush also waited so long to call a peacemaking conference. But his credentials are poor, compared to his predecessor’s, and Israel now is in the driver’s seat and will offer Bush grand declarations and crumbs for comfort.
   For the first time in America, a beginning is being made in questioning the Jewish lobby’s promotion of policies that harm American interests. The incipient revolt was begun by two academics, which questioned the basis of US policy towards Israel. They had to seek the hospitality of The London Review of Books columns to present their point of view. They have since expanded their thesis into a book that has been published in the US and somewhat gingerly reviewed. It will take long for this questioning to have an impact on US policymaking.
   In the meantime, Israelis are effectively destroying the prospect of a viable Palestinian state, with splendid American help. What can an American-sponsored conference achieve when President Bush’s motives are highly suspect and the tragedy of the Palestinians is being enacted before the Muslim and Arab world each single day? What levers can a lame duck US president employ to get Israelis to give anything more than loose change?
   Indeed, Israelis’ ability to achieve what they have secured is remarkable. The Oslo accords – tilted as they were in favour of Israel – were based on the land-for-peace formula. Several Israelis never accepted this hypothesis and even acclaimed doves of the like of Shimon Peres, who has now assumed his country’s presidency, had second thoughts. A core of Israeli leaders, including Benjamin Netanyahu and Ariel Sharon, cleverly employed the second Palestinian intifada to gut Oslo, send troops back into major Palestinian towns and physically destroy all the potent symbols of the Palestinian state, such as the airport and the Fatah headquarters in Ramallah.
   Perhaps the biggest achievement of the Israeli leadership was to confine Arafat to his battered headquarters and get America to accept the Israeli view that he had become, in the Soviet fashion, a non-person. Israelis knew that Arafat, for all his faults, was Mr Palestine and that he would never compromise his life’s mission: the creation of a viable state of Palestine. He died after being flown to a Paris military hospital. Now Israelis and Americans have to deal with a weak successor facing divisions in Palestinian ranks even as the state that was promised has disappeared.

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