Dhaka Diary
Politics without accountability and transparency is most unlikely to be acceptable to the people any more. So, political reforms – imposed by the government or not – are now dominating politics in the country and have to be adopted by the politicians who want to be involved in politics,
writes Sayed Kamaluddin
Real independent EC
Two developments that have taken place in the last few days in the country may cheer up many in this otherwise gloomy environment. The first is the decision of the Council of Advisers to make the Election Commission secretariat independent by freeing it from the PMO’s secretariat (now Chief Adviser’s Office). The other one is the International Atomic Energy Commission’s (IAEA) decision to allow Bangladesh to install nuclear power plant. While it would be difficult to say much at this stage about the practicability of going for nuclear power generation, but it certainly provides Dhaka with an option to deal with the widening gap in its power generation and consumption scenario. Let us discuss the first thing first: the independence of the EC.
When the decision to separate the Election Commission’s (EC) secretariat from that of the head of the government (PM’s Office, now CA’s) is implemented, it is expected that the EC will become free and independent from all the trappings of executive power. This has been a consistent demand from the reform seekers, analysts and the EC members, which the successive ‘democratically elected governments’ skirted. Although the two major parties that formed governments since the ouster of HM Ershad’s autocratic regime in December 1990 had also committed in their election manifestos to make the EC independent and strong, they forgot all about it after assuming power. The defeated party did not make it an issue in the aftermath of election because they too had not meant it to be in the first place.
While the caretaker government headed by Dr. Fakhruddin Ahmed initially agreed with the proposition but later backtracked because this required constitutional amendment, which in the absence of a parliament cannot be pushed. This prompted the media to come out with negative reports on the CG’s intentions. However, after obtaining legal opinion that by amending the rules of business through an ordinance, the constitution could be amended and later the same could be ratified by parliament after election, the Council of Advisers decided to go ahead. It asked the law ministry to prepare the draft for an ordinance to that effect, and the process has begun.
Indeed, it was one of the best decisions that the caretaker government has made after it took over power in early January and it would have a far-reaching impact on the country’s electoral politics. Once the EC secretariat is separated from that of the CG’s through the ordinance, it would no longer be dependent on the government for allocation of fund as necessary fund would be sanctioned in the budget under block allocations. Besides, it would have the authority to appoint its personnel without waiting for the government’s approval. This would give a psychological boost to the EC and bring qualitative change in its normal functioning and in exercising its authority. It can then also extend its own network up to the upazila level without any fuss.
Electoral reforms
The next most important task that lies with the EC is to undertake electoral and political reforms and set conditionalities which all political parties willing to participate in the polls have to abide by. At the moment the EC has become busy with the task of preparing the voters’ list complete with photographs and fingerprints. It has been clearly stated by the EC that it does not need to consult the politicians or the political parties about the preparation of the voters’ list and that makes sense. Such consultation at this stage would only cause delay and in case anyone is left out of the list he/she can always be enlisted later. However, it needs to talk and discuss with the politicians and their parties before finalising the electoral and political reforms.
The task for undertaking electoral reforms is being delayed because of a ban on politics, which also involves political reforms. The EC’s chairman had earlier suggested that limited political parleys be allowed to facilitate discussions on reforms with political parties and their leaders but this went unheeded. The caretaker government perhaps has its own reasons for not allowing even indoor political activities and discussions.
Meanwhile, in yet another significant move, Communication Adviser MA Matin hinted last Tuesday that the government might allow the political parties to hold their central council meetings to bring about political reforms if they seek permission. His comment has coincided with the 15-point reform proposal announced a day before by BNP secretary general Abdul Mannan Bhuiyan at a press conference. The Awami League leaders have also been freely discussing amongst themselves as well as with the media about a formula to reform their party. The political leaders have been asking the government for the withdrawal of ban on ‘indoor politics’ to facilitate political reforms.
Grapevines had it that the some politicians were being used by the government agencies to promote the reform formulas of the political parties. However, replying to questions from the newsmen at his office, Matin said: ‘We are not imposing anything on the political parties. It is better if the politicians themselves realise the importance of reforms.’ Pressed further he said: ‘If they seek permission, we will decide on the issue after due examination of the law.’ But he pointed out that the government was not thinking to withdraw the ban on politics in the near future.
While it is still not very clear what is going to happen in the country in the next six months to one year’s time, one may be quite sure that the nature of politics in the country would undergo definite changes when political activities are restored. The alleged confessional statements made by some of the top political leaders and businessmen under detention, which had been widely publicised in the media, in effect, have made almost all politicians controversial. Politics without accountability and transparency is most unlikely to be acceptable to the people any more. So, political reforms – imposed by the government or not – are now dominating politics in the country and have to be adopted by the politicians who want to be involved in politics.
IAEA & nuclear power
Bangladesh along with seven other least developed countries (LDCs) were allowed by the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) to install nuclear power generating reactors for meeting their electricity needs. Energy Adviser Tapan Chowdhury has announced it the other day while talking to a group of newsmen at his office. Bangladesh has some limited experience in nuclear power generation as it had been producing nuclear power through its tiny three MW ‘Triga Mark’ research reactor at Savar, near Dhaka. This plant at the Atomic Energy Research Establishment (AERE), Savar is for carrying out research and development activities and also producing certain types of ‘short-lived’ radioisotopes. This may not have produced enough electricity to meet the country’s growing power needs, but it has certainly provided valuable experience to the scientists and engineers working at this centre.
Bangladesh had tried in the 1980s to set up two 300MW nuclear power units with French, Russian and British assistance. France was more interested in the project than others. But paucity of fund did not allow the government to go ahead and seal the deal. Currently, as Tapan Chowdhury claims, Bangladesh has a standing offer from South Korea to install such a nuclear power plant. However, a lot of issues are left to be settled before the project can materialise and Tapan Chowdhury, without giving a direct reply, suggested that the installation of a nuclear power plant ‘is a
long-term issue.’
Till the end of 2004, according to IAEA sources, 440 nuclear power plants (NPPs) were operating throughout the world with a production capacity of 366 giga-watt (GW). But the IAEA projected the power to be generated through NPPs to reach between 423 – 592 GW worldwide by 2030. Nuclear Power Plants produce about 16 per cent of the world’s total power generation now. Many countries in Asia, including India and China are moving towards establishing larger number of nuclear power units to meet their grower power needs. India and China in 2004 had 14 and nine operating nuclear power plants generating 2.8 and 2.2 per cent of their total power production respectively. Both the countries are moving forward to establish larger number of NPPs to meet their power needs.
Power situation in Bangladesh is in a mess, to say the least, and unless the government is able to give a major thrust to double its power generation capacity in the next few years’ time, the economy would fail to live up to its potentials. Can we go for nuclear power as a long-term programme and encourage and facilitate the private sector to join hands with the government and help set up a number of small and medium-sized power plants to take care of the immediate needs and keep the economy somehow going? The political governments in the past, it is alleged, were more interested in getting the kickback from power producers and equipment suppliers. As a result setting up of more power plants in the private sector faltered and progress in projected public sector power plants stalled.
A new milestone in pneumonia prevention
The pediatricians of different nationalities share a common duty to protect the health and safety of our children. Diseases know no borders, and to halt infections, every country must contribute to the global effort to stop disease. By working together to implement programmes like Hib vaccination, we are all protecting the health of our most vulnerable citizens,
writes Dr Zulfiqar Bhutta, Dr MR Khan and Dr Nitin K Shah
Throughout South Asia, newspapers often highlight the risks posed by HIV/AIDS, malaria, and tuberculosis. But among our children, a graver threat remains ignored by the headlines. In India, Pakistan, and Bangladesh, pneumonia kills more under-5 children than the rest of these diseases combined, yet it continues to receive only a fraction of the attention.
Globally, pneumonia is responsible for the deaths of 2 million children each year, more than one third of whom live in South Asia. But one of the most pressing challenges in fighting pneumonia has been identifying its cause. For years, doctors have suspected that Haemophilus influenzae type B (Hib), and Streptococcus pneumoniae – two pneumonia causing bacteria – were major contributors to child mortality. The truth remained unclear because routine surveillance could not always detect what caused specific cases.
Today, the answer is becoming clear. A new study published this week in the Pediatric Infectious Disease Journal finally confirms that Hib is responsible for a significant portion of severe childhood pneumonia. Similar data from a 2002 study in India demonstrated that Hib is a major cause of childhood pneumonia there as well.
Now that this study has confirmed that Hib is a major killer, it is time for governments across South Asia to move quickly to adopt a promising Hib vaccine that has the potential to save millions of lives. The Hib vaccine has the potential to significantly lower infant mortality rates. In South Asia, it could prove highly effective in preventing pneumonia and reducing the impact of bacterial meningitis, another deadly disease caused by the Hib bacteria, which, if untreated, can lead to death or permanent disabilities in young children.
There is little doubt this promising vaccine works. In the new study published this week, more than 60,000 children in Dhaka were given the vaccine, which was shown to prevent one-third of life-threatening pneumonia cases in children under the age of 2. The Hib vaccine also prevented approximately 90 per cent of Hib-related meningitis.
The international community supports Hib vaccination. Last year, the World Health Organisation issued an official position paper recommending that all countries implement Hib vaccine programmes. Bangladesh, Pakistan and other South Asian countries – including Afghanistan, Sri Lanka and Bhutan – have now taken the lead in introducing Hib vaccination. They have applied for funding from the GAVI Alliance, an international vaccine donor, and are working to introduce the vaccine in their countries.
India is currently considering whether to adopt the Hib vaccine, but it has not yet made a decision. We hope India soon follows the lead of its neighbours. This new study should motivate all South Asian nations to adopt the Hib vaccine and to work with advocates and international donors to implement vaccination programmes as quickly as possible.
Childhood vaccination programmes are a crucial step toward eradicating diseases. Hib vaccination has been identified as an important preventive tool for reducing child mortality in developing countries. Vaccines can help our nations ensure the health of our children and move us closer to reaching the United Nations Millennium Development Goal to reduce childhood death by two-thirds before the year 2015. Together we can take dramatic strides toward reducing child mortality across the region.
The pediatricians of different nationalities share a common duty to protect the health and safety of our children. Diseases know no borders, and to halt infections, every country must contribute to the global effort to stop disease. By working together to implement programmes like Hib vaccination, we are all protecting the health of our most vulnerable citizens.
Dr Zulfiqar Bhutta is the chairman of the Department of Pediatrics at Aga Khan University in Karachi, Pakistan. National Professor Dr MR Khan is the director of pediatrics at the Institute of Child Health in Dhaka, Bangladesh. Dr Nitin K Shah was the 2006 president of the Indian Academy of Pediatrics.
Who shall we trust to govern us?
The caretaker administration must understand that it is operating in a constitutionally grey area and ultimately, to be constitutionally binding, all its actions will require approval of an elected parliament. As long as government adheres to transparent reform agenda, remains focused in its goal toward institution building and refrains from shenanigans in dealing with reform, it will pass the transition period with high marks and strong public support,
writes ABM Nasir
THE people of Bangladesh are like shipwrecked (broken governance) passengers trying to grab floating straws (promises and hopes) with hopes to reach shores (institution of good governance and democracy). But, these straws seem unlikely to take them to the shores.
In the past, the public greeted every regime with enthusiasm, bestowed it with trust that the regime has the best interest to serve public interests and bore the pains of the reform experiments. Every journey of a new regime started with lofty promises like rooting out corruption, getting rid of injustice and poverty from society and popular actions like demolishing illegal structures, evicting slums dwellers, street vendors, arresting petty criminals, cleaning traffic jams, and other things heretofore considered nuisance to the city dwellers.
Unfortunately, every time in the past, what initially appeared to be the sign of a bright day suddenly turned out to be a day of despairs. All fanfare of society cleansing eventually got bogged down in the crossfire of rhetoric without much avail to the public.
Now the question is: are the promises and actions of the caretaker government any different from the past? What are the priorities of the government?
As it appears now, with no clear direction of the reform, the interim administration is ‘searching in a dark room for a non-existent black cat’.
Professor Amartya Sen, in his book Development and Freedom, rightly notes that ‘the power to do good goes almost always with the possibility to do the opposite’. Similarly, despite many actions towards the right direction, duplicity in dealing with many other issues has already started to raise concerns about the intention of the caretaker government.
The release of the CDs of the interrogation testimonials of the arrested politicians, selectivity in permitting political activities, political reform under duress, and appointment of a political operative as the chief lawyer of the anti-corruption bureau, all these are questionable actions.
Consider the issue of release of the confessions of the arrestees. From both moral and legal grounds, it has, thus far, been the most egregious form of breach of trust by the government. One must wonder how the testimonies of the arrested individuals, considered to be highly confidential, went public. Was it an organised attempt by the government to tarnish the image of the politicians, or concerted efforts by certain quarters inside the government to embarrass the caretaker administration? Regardless, the caretaker administration must bear all the responsibility of such gross violation of human rights.
As a trustee, must the government not ensure fairness in the entire legal process? Should a person not be considered innocent until proven guilty?
Why should anyone give credence to the testimony of an arrestee in police custody, when our law-enforcing agencies are widely accused of resorting to torture as means of collecting information? Simply consider how many people died over the past five months, while in the custody of joint forces, the most recent being the death of a teenager in joint forces custody.
Besides, information thus collected is not even permissible in the court of laws. Then, why such surreptitious attempts to discredit someone who has yet to be charged in the court of law? Indeed, release of the information combined with government’s eerie silence indicates government’s preference to prosecute suspects of corruption in the court of public opinion than in the court of laws.
This is an act of vigilante justice or justice delivered defying the court of laws. The real danger with vigilantism is that it does not solve crimes. Rather it simply destroys the very foundation of the legal institution.
Consider, for example, the case of Bangla Bhai and his organisation Jamaatul Mujahideen Bangladesh. The previous government initially let loose Bangla Bhai as a vigilante to uproot the terror of the Sarbahara Party. Later all hell broke loose with the massive campaign of terror by Jamaatul Mujahideen. Bangla Bhai and Jamaatul Mujahideen not only victimised innocent civilians, but dared to challenge their own creator, the mighty government.
To uphold rules of laws, government must equally protect both innocent civilians, from being the victims of crimes, and crime suspects, from being the victims of vigilante justice. By extending equal protection to all, not only does government strengthen people’s respect for rules of laws and but also fortifies the foundation of the legal and political institutions from encroachment.
In contrast, when the application of the rules and laws is arbitrary and based on the whim of government or of few individuals, tyranny and, thus, confrontation are certainly to follow.
Favouritism in permitting certain individuals in political discourse while barring others is another issue causes for serious concerns. It is reminiscent of the way the US interim administration in Iraq tried to reform Iraqi institution. Right after occupying Iraq, the United States government selectively left out most of the world (including Russia, China, France and Germany) from the reform process but few partners of the coalition. Such Machiavellian way of executing political reform has thus far failed to stabilise Iraq and similar attempt is surely to stumble in Bangladesh.
Reform under duress is yet another concern with high potential to derail the reform process. Reform without participation of political parties is like cleaning dirt while shutting all outlets closed. And, forced reform would be the reform of the choice of the government, but not of the people.
If the government is to successfully ensure electoral competition, the people’s right to vote, and guarantee political competition, the people’s right to participate in the political process including that of the nomination of party candidates, it must immediately initiate national dialogue with all stakeholders in the national politics.
Last but not least, the appointment of a former BNP lawmaker and minister of General Ershad, Mahbubur Rahman, as chief lawyer of the Anti-Corruption Bureau is a concern. Once more, this appointment seriously undermines the government’s credibility and ability in prosecuting the suspects of corruption. Not only did Mahbub serve in two previously discredited governments, but he was also part of the clique which he is now assigned with the responsibility to prosecute. One wonders how he managed to get such an important appointment. Was there any shortage of competent lawyers not affiliated to discredited government?
No doubt, emergency rule is a constitutionally mandated way to govern. But the caretaker administration must understand that it is operating in a constitutionally grey area and ultimately, to be constitutionally binding, all its actions will require approval of an elected parliament. As long as government adheres to transparent reform agenda, remains focused in its goal toward institution building and refrains from shenanigans in dealing with reform, it will pass the transition period with high marks and strong public support.
ABM Nasir teaches economics at North Carolina Central University, Durham, North Carolina, USA and can be reached at nasnc@yahoo.com
Rawshan’s illusion
What’s wrong with Rawshan Ershad? Is she dreaming to become the third woman PM of the country? Didn’t she get the message that we are trying to bring an end to dynastic politics?
Syed
Old DOHS, Dhaka
Bye-bye Blair, hello Brown
Gordon Brown should call an early general election otherwise he has no credibility and certainly no mandate from the populace. Any new policy he may wish to introduce has no public approval. We in the UK still live in a democracy in spite of Blair’s best efforts!
Ania Arman
Kent, UK
Blair for peacekeeping in Palestine
How on earth can a man who has proved himself to be untrustworthy (his false assurances on WMDs) and lacking in respect for the Muslim world (arrogant intervention in Iraq in spite of overwhelming professional advice) ever expect to be viewed as a neutral arbitrator? Blair’s alliance with Bush and thus with the USA and Israel disqualify him for the job. If appointed he will make a mess of this job, and we all will have to pay for it.
Samira Rahman
Dhaka
* * *
Tony Blair’s appointment as the Middle East envoy would fail like John Bolton’s appointment to the UN and Paul Wolfowitz’s appointment to the World Bank. Blair is perceived as being part of the Bush administration.
Tonmoy
Chittagong
* * *
No one on the planet believes that Tony Blair would do something positive for the peace in the Middle East as he shares the crime of Bush by invading Iraq for nothing but just for controlling oil. For this both the USA and the UK are paying very heavy price by flying out several coffins of their soldiers on daily basis and it will continue unless they get out of Iraq. So Blair is not at all a suitable person for the job.
Alimul Saber Chowdhury
On e-mail
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