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Editorial
Irritants must go for better
Indo-Bangla relations

The assertion or assurance, however one takes it, of the Indian foreign secretary, Shivsankar Menon, that India ‘will not interfere in Bangladesh’s internal affairs’ is indeed welcome. The last thing that the international state system can afford is persistent mutual mistrust between states. Unfortunately, mutual mistrust has been a regular feature in the relations between India and Bangladesh. While the political establishments in both countries have been fully aware of such deep-rooted suspicion about each other, it has never been comprehensively addressed, let alone redressed, for one reason or the other. Refreshingly, Menon’s visit highlights an increasing desire on both sides to dispel such a climate of mistrust and suspicion. The signing of a memorandum of understanding on Monday, whereby India has expressed its intention to provide duty-free access to more quality products from Bangladesh, is a manifestation of such goodwill.
   Despite being bedevilled by political instability and social unrests, each and every country of South Asia has registered consistent economic growth in recent years, and India has undoubtedly outdone its regional neighbours in this regard. Being the largest economy in the region, it is in India’s interest that the other South Asian countries grow further and grow consistently and it must take active interest in the growth of its neighbours. Conversely, and regrettably, India has come to be known over the years as being indifferent to its trade imbalances with the smaller countries and discriminatory in selecting items for free trade. Worse even, its imposition of tariff and non-tariff barriers on exports from the smaller countries has been viewed as an extension of its hegemonic diplomacy. The memorandum of understanding would certainly play role in dispelling such misgivings.
   In terms of the Indo-Bangla relations, it is needless to say that a lot more needs to be done. The chief adviser to the military-backed interim government, in his meeting with Menon, affirmed that ‘minor irritants should not create hindrance to our friendly relations’. The fact of the matter, however, is that certain irritants in the bilateral relations have been allowed to snowball into apparently insuperable stumbling blocks by sometimes deliberate indifference on the part of policymakers. The foreign secretary-level meeting itself can be a case in point here. The meeting was scheduled to be held in New Delhi on June 21-22, 2005. Similarly irregular have been the meetings of other bilateral forums such as the Joint River Commission and the Joint Economic Commission.
   There are a number of outstanding issues that need to be resolved for further improvement of the bilateral relations between India and Bangladesh. The Border Security Force of India continues to kill Bangladeshi civilians on the border almost on a daily basis; dispute over demarcation of a 6.5-kilometre land boundary shimmers on; resolution of differences over enclaves and adverse possession remains a far cry; flare-ups on the border take place with alarming regularity. The list can go on and on. We believe that such issues can be sorted out if the policymakers in both countries show the required political will and follow up their promises with concrete steps. They should be mindful of the fact that the disputes must be resolved not only for better bilateral relation but also for the overall harmony of the entire region.

Rift in Jatiya Party in season of ‘reforms’

It will not have come as a surprise to many in this season of ‘reforms’ that a group within the Jatiya Party, following in the footsteps of the ‘reformists’ within the Bangladesh Nationalist Party and the Awami League, have led a coup of sorts against the top leaders of their party, namely party chairman HM Ershad and secretary general ABM Ruhul Amin Howlader. The party’s presidium member Roushan Ershad at a press conference on Tuesday ‘removed’ both the chairman the secretary general from their posts and appointed herself as acting chairperson of the party, even though it is yet unclear on what authority she was able to take such drastic measures. Roushan’s actions came less than 24 hours after the secretary general of the BNP, Abdul Mannan Bhuiyan, announced a 15-point internal ‘reform’ proposal for his party and at a time when the announcement of similar set of proposals for ‘reform’ in the Awami League is imminent.
   In all the feverish activity that has taken place of late inside the large political parties in the name of ‘reforms’, we cannot help but see the emergence of a pattern. Although all manner of ‘reforms’ have been promised by the dissident groups, their plans and proposals have ultimately boiled down to the ouster of their top leaders, Khaleda Zia, Sheikh Hasina and now Ershad, from the parties in particular and from politics in general, which is in line with the overt aspirations of this military-backed interim government. Furthermore, we see that while the movements of and access to leaders like Hasina and Khaleda have remained tightly restricted, the meetings and press conferences of the ‘reformists’, whether they be at Mannan Bhuiyan’s house or Roushan Ershad’s, have been allowed to take place uninterrupted even though such gatherings are blatant violations of the ban on political activity under the emergency rules. This clearly indicates to us that the current ‘reform’ processes within the parties are being carried out very much in accordance with the whims and wishes of this government.
   We have consistently argued, from long before the declaration of the state of emergency on January 11, that drastic reforms within the political parties are essential for the democratic growth of society and the state. We have also argued that for internal reforms to bring about the desired and real democratisation of the parties, they would have to be brought about in an open political environment and through the spontaneous movement of the leaders and activists of the parties who demand such reforms. Forced ‘reforms’ in a climate of fear, in our view, will unfortunately fail to deliver democracy within the parties or in society. Furthermore, where the political process itself remains fragile, the attempts at coercive deconstruction of the political parties and hence the restructuring of the political order will neither be productive nor sustainable.


WORTH A LOOK
Political reforms and its fallout


AMM Shawkat Ali
The primary thrust of the reforms measures in both the parties appear to end the tradition of continuance of same person in party office and consequent domination of decision relating to party affairs, discipline and nomination of candidates for parliamentary election… The other salutary reforms element relates to bifurcation of party from government. This is also fully in consonance with democratic norms being followed in mature democracies. In the past few decades, party offices and politically-elected executive posts were merged with its deleterious consequences on governance. One can perhaps add that this is a necessary step but not a sufficient condition for constitutional governance

The ongoing debate on political reforms appears to have moved to a periling journey leading to infighting within various political parties, excepting Jamaat-e-Islami Bangladesh and the left-leaning parties. The concept of political reforms went through various phases. During the first phase, two issues were hotly debated — first, corruption at different levels of political parties; and second, dynasty-based political process. The second phase witnessed arguments and counterarguments in the form of rebuttal. Third phase showed some mild resolve of the political parties in the form of argument that until the ban on indoor politics was lifted, it would not be possible for the parties to initiate the consultation process on the issue of reforms and reach meaningful consensus within the party hierarchy on the one hand and the Election Commission on the other.
   
   Merger of issues and consequent confusion
   With a kind of hindsight, it is possible to say that the whole debate started with electoral reforms after the Election Commission was reconstituted. The commission at that time affirmed that the issues relating to electoral reforms would not be given the final shape without consultation with the political parties which were rightly described by the commission as major stakeholders in the process of reforms. The roadblock to the approach taken by the commission was the ban on indoor politics. The commission appeared proactive on the issue which is reflected in the fact that it requested the government on more occasions than one to lift the ban on indoor politics but to no avail. Thereafter, it was interesting to see the frustrated chief election commissioner making public statement that they would not make any further request to the government on the issue.
   
   The government view
   Although some top government spokesmen initially clung to the view that until the political parties initiated steps to put in place in-party democracy, it would not lift the ban the ban on indoor politics. Startling facts relating to complete absence of democratic culture inside political parties were revealed by the media. Thereafter, the government spokesman articulated the completely opposite view that it was not the business of the government to force political parties to make necessary changes in the constitution of the respective parties.
   This came in the wake of rebuttals from the political parties and other interested quarters that reforms within the political parties were a matter internal to the parties and outside interference was wholly unwarranted. From a purely academic point of principle, this was probably right. However, the realities were different. This is evident from a good number of media reports, not to speak of the candid views that are now being articulated by the top leaders of major political parties.
   
   From confrontation to conciliation
   The most recent phase of the debate on political reforms provides strong evidence of transition from the state of confrontation to conciliation in the sense that the political parties appear to have realised that reforms are imperative as the next step forward; it is definitely a positive sign. The government spokesman has welcomed it as indeed others interested in the issue. The spokesman from the government has even gone to the extent of saying that in the event political parties apply, it would not hesitate to consider opening up indoor politics in a restricted from. Restricted because the government might allow holding of council meetings to consider and make necessary changes in the constitutions of the reform-minded political parties. It is possible to say that similar approach could be taken at the time when the Election Commission made requests to the government on the issue. Much time could be saved if such a decision were taken then. However, it is better late than never.
   
   The impending fallout
   The impending fall out within the reform-minded political parties is all too evident. Statements and counterstatements, not so much directed at the government, but within the party hierarchies have started pouring in. And that is in-party democratic culture, which appears to have remained locked almost permanently. However, this positive sign has its own risks if it degenerates into fragmentation of parties, which will definitely, weaken the parties themselves. The surest way to avoid such an impending disaster is to reach consensus without malice, bickering or blind personal loyalties. That is the roadmap for better political governance within the parties. If they can imbibe this culture in letter and spirit, the much debated issue of constitutional governance will be better served without any need to call in the armed forces in aid of civil power and hopefully corruption cleansing.
   
Some ominous signs
   Reports have it that the newly-born Liberal Democratic Party born out of the participation of some leaders from the Bangladesh Nationalist Party and Bikalpadhara Bangladesh now stands divided. The two streams have reportedly agreed to form separate entities because of lack of consensus over party management and leadership. It is too early to say what political influence these breakaway factions of the BNP will have in future.
   Worse still, there are visible signs of further break up in the camps of both the BNP and the Awami League and the Jatiya Party. It is perhaps more visible in the Jatiya Party which has taken the form of a family feud. In the BNP, the divided camps appear to be led respectively by Khaleda Zia, still the chairperson of the BNP, and Abdul Mannan Bhuiyan, the secretary general of the party. As regards the Awami League, the scenario appears similar with minor differences in leadership. At the same time, it is also a fact that both these parties are planning to consider the draft in their respective councils and finally take a decision on the reform measures for which drafts are ready.
   In this respect, the BNP is ahead of its traditional rival, the Awami League, in the sense that the BNP faction led by Abdul Mannan Bhuiyan has recently made public the proposed reform measures. The Awami League reportedly is also ready with a draft but it may take more time to reveal the reform measures. The primary thrust of the reforms measures in both the parties appear to end the tradition of continuance of same person in party office and consequent domination of decision relating to party affairs, discipline and nomination of candidates for parliamentary election. If adopted, this sounds good and should be welcome. The other salutary reforms element relates to bifurcation of party from government. This is also fully in consonance with democratic norms being followed in mature democracies. In the past few decades, party offices and politically-elected executive posts were merged with its deleterious consequences on governance. One can perhaps add that this is a necessary step but not a sufficient condition for constitutional governance. It may not be sufficient because unless the age-old mindset of politicising administration and judiciary and intolerance for dissenting views within and outside the party still persist, the result will be anything but constitutional governance.
   At the end, one can say that while reforms on the lines already indicated by the parties are necessary and welcome, the real test will lie in improving governance. At this point of time, it is perhaps appropriate to use the cockney expression ‘you ain’t see nothing yet’.

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