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Editorial
Punish the rogues at Public
Service Commission

When the local government, rural development and cooperatives adviser to the military-backed interim government hinted at reconstitution of the Public Service Commission on February 12, we argued, in these columns, why the constitutional body, which regulates recruitment to governmental bodies and promotions, should be immediately and comprehensively overhauled. Our focus then was on the collective incompetence and insincerity of the officials of the commission. Today, we would like to focus on the rampant corruption in the rank and file of the commission.
   According to a report, front-paged in New Age Xtra on February 17, almost everyone in the commission, from the chairman down to the chauffeurs of different officials, has spun crores of takas through various irregular activities in the past five years or so. In return for hefty payments, question papers of preliminary tests for recruitment to the civil service have been sold and results tampered with, the final list of candidates has been altered and dates for viva voce examinations changed — the list goes on and on. The chairman’s spouse is alleged to have received Tk 5 lakh each from 30 candidates during the examinations for the 25th Bangladesh Civil Service on the promise of recruitment. The chairman herself had allegedly tampered with the final list of candidates to make sure that the promise was kept. The allegation that seven chauffeurs on the commission’s payroll own a housing society on the outskirts of the capital speaks volumes of the scope for corruption in the constitutional body.
   Corruption of any kind is criminal and, therefore, punishable. However, the impact of corruption by officials and employees on the commission is tantamount to crime against the entire nation. They have compromised not only certain rules and regulations but also the collective integrity of the bureaucracy in return for financial benefits. There can be little doubt that their avarice has led to the infiltration of many people into the bureaucracy who are not only incapable but also immoral. The immediate concern of these people upon recruitment must have been to get a return for the unholy investment they made to ensure employment, leading to further corruption. Also, in an increasingly interconnected world, the civil servants are expected to deal with their counterparts of other countries on a wide range of issues. Incompetent and immoral as they are, the country’s interest is anything but safe in their hands. Moreover, as the commission oversees recruitment of upazila and district election officers, the electoral process is also vulnerable to corruption by its officials.
   Overall, the entire nation has been exposed to the long-term ill-effects of the misdeeds of the few in the commission. Therefore, their punishment should not only be exemplary but also act as a deterrent to recurrence of such malpractices in the future. The interim government has hinted at reconstitution of the commission by initially replacing the current set of members with a fresh one. Whether they are forced to resign or removed, the government should initiate immediate investigation into the allegations of corruption of the existing officials and employees of the commission and prosecute those found guilty.

An anti-enlightenment move

It is frustrating to be told that during the emergency even the holding of indoor programmes like discussion meeting and condolence meeting will require the government’s permission and this permission can be withheld or declined. The students, admirers and followers of the late Professor Sharif Hossain had reasons to be shocked and saddened when the citizens’ condolence meeting in honour of the deceased, scheduled to be held yesterday in Jessore town, had to be cancelled as the district administration did not give permission. To pay respect to Professor Hossain was a national duty and we think the programme should have been held at national level, although he lived in Jessore, and the people of Jessore especially revered him. The nation’s debt to him is immense.
   The likes of Sharif Hossain are not born every day in this country. He worked mostly in Jessore, quietly but with missionary zeal, away from official cognisance and media attention. The government eventually had to take cognisance of him when it conferred the Ekushey Padak on him. His name was inextricable from the country’s library movement. He was the purveyor of enlightenment in the obscure backwaters of the nation. His whole life was dedicated to the cause promoting libraries and the book reading culture among the youth and the common masses. At a time when reading is suffering a serious devaluation and is giving way to video culture, when libraries are declining both in number and richness of collection, the life-long efforts of Sharif Hossain held a great promise. If erosion of values is to be halted, if the nation’s moral decline is to be reversed, the programme of developing libraries and popularising reading needs renewed emphasis. That way Professor Hossain’s legacy is invaluable. He was a social activist who did not have his eyes fixed on the donors or the NGO Bureau. In his death the cause of enlightenment has lost a tireless champion. It is now for the government to try to keep aglow the flame of knowledge lit by him.
   We would aptly expect that the condolence meet would be held in the capital and would be attended by the president or the chief adviser. Instead we have seen a district-level official prohibiting the observance of the condolence meeting. It is a move that has the effect of snuffing out the flicker of civilisation. We are pained and outraged.


Health security: a strategic goal
getting harder to reach

Bangladesh has a good tradition of social solidarity and egalitarian ethos nurtured by a homogenous population free from caste ethnic or tribal divisions. These constitute a huge social asset. Only if the state sector can put its priorities right and determine its social and economic policies free of coercive dictates by neo-liberal economic dogmatists, health security can be achieved in the foreseeable future, writes Dr Zakir Husain

HEALTH Security is a strategic goal that is anchored in the bedrock of health as a basic human right – a right enshrined in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights.
   The state has the right and responsibility to establish and foster conditions conducive to the enjoyment of good health by all, and not by some only. Health security is a precondition and an outcome of health equity.
   Health security advances social justice and enhances social solidarity. Good health is not merely a state of physical and mental well-being but also a sine qua non for realizing high social and economic productivity leading to human development
   Health security does not mean equal health care for all because the health needs of people differ. But it means access to, and assurance of, health care when and where needed unfettered by economic, social or geographic barrier.
   ‘Health for All’ a social target
   The World Heath Organisation is the specialised United Nations agency on health. In 1977, WHO articulated the goal of heath security by proposing ‘Health for All’ (by 2000) as the main social target of its member states. In May 1977, the World Health Assembly – the World Parliament on Health – by a landmark resolution acclaimed the ‘Health for All’ target. The assembly meeting in Geneva also determined that the disparity in health conditions of people between and within countries was unacceptable.
   In 1978, the joint WHO-UNICEF international conference at Alma Ata (in former Soviet Union) adopted the historic Alma Ata Declaration. The declaration elaborated primary health care principles and eight elements as the key strategic approach to the attainment of ‘Health for All’ by 2000. The declaration urged global and country-level action to implement PHC approach and considered investment in health and improvement of human conditions clearly in the long-term interest of not only human development but also world peace and security. This writer participated in that historic conference in the city of Alma Ata in Kazakhstan (then of the USSR). It was an inspiring world event; it resounded with acclamation of international solidarity and cooperation for advancement of peace and human development.
   ‘Health for All’ remains a distant goal
   World events, however, took a cruel turn. Nearly three decades since 1978, ‘Health for All’ eluded countries and peoples in a turbulent and tense world. The high hopes for worldwide cooperation for social and economic development in a climate of peace with justice under a new world order failed to materialise. Even the end of Cold War failed to reap the much expected peace dividend for world development.
   On the contrary, conflicts raged and colossal amounts of resources were being spent on armaments and military warfare. Not even a small fraction of those vast resources was available for spending on social and health services for human development. Far greater resources went to war preparations and wars in the name of national security. Yet, this failed to enhance either military or human security.
   Once universally acclaimed the ‘Health for All’ goal receded and seems now beyond reach anytime soon. Health disparity and insecurity remain pervasive within and between countries and peoples, rich and poor alike.
   For global public health community and those who signed the historic Declaration of Alma Ata, the failure of the countries and the global community comes as a huge blow.
   Now that globalisation of world trade and economic liberalisation has brought sweeping reforms with structural adjustments the paradigm of social and human development has changed greatly. Many poor countries are saddled with heavy debt burden; free market forced public sector to shrink and abdicate many of its normal duties and obligations. Public health became an early casualty of financial stringency; governments retreated from provision of essential public health services.
   Free market regime with private sector dominance made significant sections of the population in many countries, including even rich countries, lose access to essential health care, paradoxically when the supply of services expanded hugely in the private market Those who needed most were getting least. Equity as the bedrock of health security has been seriously undermined. Yet, ‘Health for All’ has not lost its validity as a social target or an ideal to cherish for human dignity and peace with social justice in the world of tomorrow and beyond.
   Undeniable is the fact that public health services benefit the entire populations; their decline precipitated a major setback to public health in many countries. It is a cruel irony that the ‘health market’ of many countries is flush with abundant modern, high technology medical care, but those whose needs are higher go without care because they are unable to pay; those who utilise private care often pay a price they cannot afford. For many households, a serious accident or illness becomes a catastrophic experience. A paradox of scarcity in a market of plenty has set in. An unacceptable number of people in poor and rich countries alike live precariously. That is unacceptable because that diminishes value of humanity; that denies minimum human rights to citizens in both rich and poor world.
   What is health security?
   Health security is neither a product nor a function of how much per capita is spent on health in a country. A wealthy country that spends highest per capita on health can leave a significant number of people precariously insecure without access to health care.
   Health security is primarily a function of distribution of health resources, of how and where governments and private sector allocate and spend their health resources. When governments spend preferentially on public health and health-related activities such as environment, safe and healthy food supply, promotion of healthy life style, they produce higher health outcomes, thus higher health security for their entire populations.
   But governments alone cannot bring about health security. Private health-care providers and health-related sectors have important, often complementary roles. But it works best when the partners act with greater social responsibility and within a modicum of social control. Any talk of social control has become an anathema but in human and health security it is mandatory, simply because market can be notoriously inequitable and socially delinquent.
   Finally, individuals, families and communities have the right and duty to protect and promote their own health and adopt behavioural changes conducive to healthy living.
   Health security comes through partnership across a wide spectrum of sectors and enterprises. Private-public partnership has been quoted often but it is not a substitute for accountability and social responsibility. Partnership has sometimes been used to support subsidies and concessions which is a form of distortion, an ‘equity in reverse’ at the cost of the public sector.
   ‘Health for All’: a duty or a charity?
   Democracy is essentially founded upon a sacred social contract. I would argue, therefore, that health security of people is not an extension but an essential component of the social contract, and a duty rather than a charity or benevolence. Social contract stipulates that health is a public good that the state has primary duty to dispense with equity and social justice in rich and poor countries alike though not equally in contents. Yet, governments alone cannot or need not provide personal health care to everyone when and where needed. The public too cannot entirely depend on governments. Let politicians make promises they cannot deliver. Political parties in Bangladesh promised health care to the people at their ‘doorstep’. Obviously, they did not work out the technical or operational feasibility, or its financial affordability. Such political promises are not to be taken seriously.
   But governments have one overriding duty. That duty is to promote and protect health of the people by ways individuals cannot do. That duty is better done if and when governments perform essential public health functions. Essential public health functions include, at the minimum, health protection through essential services such as safe drinking water and sanitation; healthy environment (air, water and soil) reasonably free of avoidable health hazards; and dissemination of valid health information and education to empower families and communities to promote and protect their own health through behavioural change.
   An expanded list of these functions will include universal immunisation of infants and children against life-threatening infections; safe pregnancy and childbirth; food safety and hygiene; epidemic disease control and surveillance. The determination of which functions shall get priority will depend upon available resources and benefits intended.
   Resources are by definition limited in all countries. But that is more reason why essential public health functions should command government priority over other health outlays including hospitals. Well-performed essential public health functions benefit the entire population; yield higher health outcomes and impact with equity and social justice. These make essential public health functions eminently cost effective.
   Good and adequate public health actions reduce the burden of preventable illnesses. At personal and family level, acute illness can have devastating effects on poor households often forced to spend money beyond their capacity.
   A programme approach to health security
   Health security can be approached from several entry points, namely health needs, health demands, disease epidemiology, etc. But from an operational standpoint, a simple approach to the goal of health security is grouping of the population preferably according to their health needs and potentials of health outcomes.
   Children and women, the elderly, chronically ill, the adolescents represent groups of particular interest. Specific programmes can be focused upon with targets of service coverage, cost-benefit ratios, and aggregate health outcomes. Each of these groups is vulnerable to specific health risks and benefits from health promotion and protection.
   For example, all eligible infants and children must be protected by immunisation against diseases that could cause premature death and disability. Immunization should be universal to give maximum security to all.
   Young children and young adults require proper food and nutrition to secure normal physical and mental growth and development; thereby secure better learning and better human capital for economic and social progress.
   Women in reproductive age need security of care during pregnancy and a safe motherhood; their health needs are met by care before, during and after pregnancy and childbirth, and beyond.
   Adolescents have special health needs ranging from health education, health promotion, and protection including life skills and knowledge of sexual hygiene and safety.
   Men and women in fertile age group need correct knowledge of contraceptive methods to exercise power to plan and attain their reproductive goals and practices; specifically family size, birth intervals, and overall reproductive health and security.
   The elderly population (above 55 or 60 years) needs care for chronic and degenerative conditions. This group includes people who have retired from regular employment and no longer earn previous income making it difficult for them to get medical care. They need security of health care mainly assurance of getting medicines and supplies regularly needed cheaply and conveniently.
   Other groups with special needs are ethnic minorities (tribal, hill, river, char population) and remotely located people who have little or no ready access to central facilities. Health security for these groups may mean mobile or specifically designated facilities and most commonly needed care.
   And there are very poor people who live well below poverty level; they may not gain health care even when cheap or free which in most cases it is not. Health security for the poor is a direct contribution to poverty reduction – a goal included in the Millennium Development Goals.
   The impact of free market and liberal economy has been mixed; the poor, the underprivileged, the minority and remote population segments have not benefited and some have had a worse deal.
   Since the growing trend of liberalisation may escalate, the least the state can and should do is to provide a safety net to give some semblance of health security to the most vulnerable, those marginalised in the free market.
   Bangladesh has a good tradition of social solidarity and egalitarian ethos nurtured by a homogenous population free from caste ethnic or tribal divisions. These constitute a huge social asset. Only if the state sector can put its priorities right and determine its social and economic policies free of coercive dictates by neo-liberal economic dogmatists, health security can be achieved in the foreseeable future.
   Economic pundits may scoff at the idea of social health insurance. But conventional wisdom can be overturned by innovation and enterprise at the grassroots level left largely to local governments and small-scale entrepreneurs. People of Bangladesh have shown great resilience and innovation in the face of countless past calamities natural or manmade; have a string survival capability. People in small communities need support by technology (means, methods, ad material) and a level field minus constraints and obstacles on the path to self-reliance to which misplaced or condescending charity is a huge impediment; it is also insulting while genuine empowerment and encouragement are enabling.
   If human health is a social good, which it undoubtedly is, the state and the public sector cannot abdicate its duty.

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