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Ekushey February in 1957 was different from previous ones that came after 1952. The day evoked memories of the martyrs and the emotion-charged atmosphere in which students wanted to observe the day. But the governments that ruled under the tutelage of the Central Government did not allow students to give vent to their feelings of grief and protest. When Jukto Front won the provincial election in 1954, it was hoped that Ekushey February, the martyr's day, would be allowed to be observed, paying homage to the dead in solemnity and pressing on with the demand for Bengali to be a state language. The manifesto of Jukto Front promised that the day would be declared a public holiday in memory of the historic event. But the Jukto Front Government under Fazlul Huq did not last more than a few months and the Central Government took over the administration of the province under section 92/A. The short-lived government could not declare 21 February as a public holiday.
   In 1956 Abu Hossain Sarkar was appointed as the Chief Minister of East Pakistan and Fazlul Huq became the Home minister in the Centre. The Awami League, the partner of Fazlul Huq's KSP, was sidelined and kept out of power. The strategy of divide and rule was used shrewdly by West Pakistani leaders. In 1956, the Abu Hossain Sarker government declared 21 February a public holiday and the former residence of chief minister as the Bangla Academy, both being election promises of Jukto Front. It was also decided that a memorial would be constructed at the site near Dacca Medical College where Barkat and Salam had their martyrdom. When it was announced that the Chief Minister would lay the foundation of the memorial, some students sought out the family of the rickshaw-puller who had died on 21 February, 1952 in police firing. The daughter of the martyred rickshaw puller was brought to the site and the foundation stone of the memorial was laid by her according to the wish of the students. It was seen not only as a right gesture to the martyrs but also as an expression of distrust of politicians even when they pledged support to the cause of mother tongue and its recognition. Perhaps the frequent changes in the political field disgusted the students community and by choosing the daughter of the martyred rickshaw-puller, they wanted to keep the language movement closer to the masses. But politicians were not willing to give all the credit to others and so it is that Abu Hossain Sarkar came to the spot where the martyrs fell and laid down the foundation stone with due publicity.
   It was not before Ataur Rahman Khan took over from Abu Hossain Sarkar as the Chief Minister that steps were taken for the construction of the memorial. Abu Hossain Sarkar's government was besieged with food crisis and scarcity of essential goods from the beginning. This engaged the time and attention of the government so much that it had little time to follow up with the decision to have a Shahid Minar constructed. Abu Hossain Sarkar had to resign when police fired on Bhukha michil (hunger march) in old Dacca in which several persons died. Struggling desperately to hold on to power in the midst of a turbulent crisis, Abu Hossain Sarkar had no time to fulfill the promise made about the Shahid Minar. But credit should go to him for declaring 21 February as a public holiday and for taking initiative to construct the memorial.
   Ataur Rahman Khan of Awami League, who replaced Abu Hossain Sarkar in September, 1956 managed to tide over the food crisis, partly due to good harvest and partly due to efforts made by the government to popularise atar rooti (bread made of wheat flour) as an alternate staple. It was difficult to succeed in this as the Bengalis ate rooti only in breakfast and when they fell sick. Rooti was the staple of non-Bengalis and it was seen as a cultural characteristic, like the language. Some saw in the attempt to popularise atar rooti a hidden agenda, the transformation of Bengali people in a subtle way by changing their food habits. But in the face of scarcity people gradually took to using atar rooti, in combination with rice. Once again it was proved that necessity knew no bounds. After Bengalis in East Pakistan became used to atar rooti, a maverick Governor, Azam Khan tried to popularise maize as a staple a few years later. Maize was grown in government land as demonstration and farmers were advised to produce it to enjoy government incentives. The success of maize as a food was hard to come by but it became one of the agricultural produce adding to the traditional ones.
   Ataur Rahman cabinet formed a selection committee for the Shahid Minar, comprising Zainul Abedin, Doxiades, the Greak architect who was acting as the advisor on urban planning in East Pakistan and the Chief Engineer of Public Works Department. The Committee selected the design for the Shahid Minar, submitted by artist Hamidur Rahman who had just returned from abroad. The design showed three hollow columns, stooping low, as if in sorrow and in a posture of embrace. The middle column, larger than the two flanking it, represented a mother and the smaller ones, her children. The columns stood on a spacious platform raised from the ground and was connected by wide stairs. Below the platform, there would be a hall of equal size with murals depicting the language movement on the walls.
   Work on the Shahid Minar progressed at snail's pace. He remembers going to the spot with his friends to look at the slowly rising structure. They saw Hamidur Rahman, coming out and going inside a tent pitched nearby as his workshop. What took their breath away was a woman in her mid twenties, attired in black with hair bound above the head in a bun like a sannaysini (female ascetic). As a finishing touch to that mystical image, she wore a ruddrakher mala (a necklace of wooden beads) around her neck. Her ivory white colour of skin contrasted starkly with the black of her dress and hair. His friends and he found her appearance as something out of this world and her presence as mesmerizing. Dacca was not a crowded place then, and the presence of a girl of rare beauty and displaying unprecedented freedom attracted only the passers by. They would stand still for a while, gawk at her in wonder and move on, all in silence. There was no remark made in jest or with a hint of irreverence. The woman in black drew awe and wonder from everyone who saw her. Her name was Novera and she was a sculptress, he and his friends learnt. Later he would know that Novera was the girl fried of Hamidur Rahman and stayed together with him in the latter's ancestral home in old Dacca. They moved about freely in old and new Dacca, sipping tea together and talking to each other, oblivious of the surrounding. The scene, so rare in Dacca in those years, did not offend anyone nor was it seen as a scandal. Dacca, both old and new, was unbelievably tolerant and 'modern', to judge by the example of Novera. She was the first liberated woman of Bangladesh.
   According to some, Novera made some contributions to the design of Shahid Minar, though she had no official role in this. She did the work to help his beau Hamidur Rahman. Her area of expertise, sculpture had some affinity with architecture and therefore, it is credible that she participated in the making of the architectural part, particularly the hollow columns. Her sculptural figures of human beings and animals also showed hollows, though of a different kind. But the concept was the same. The near relations of Hamidur Rahman deny this to be true and attribute the whole work as his creation. This controversy raged after the Shahid Minar was completed and has not yet subsided, totally. At least, giving benefit of doubt, Novera should be given some credit.
   In 1957 the Ekushey was observed with solemnity and at the same time with great enthusiasm by students and the public. It was a public holiday and a Shahid Minar was under construction, both of which combined to make the day a celebration of spontaneous popular feelings. From early dawn, thousands lined up in single files and went to the Shahid Minar to lay flowers or bouquet of flowers. There was no wreath or profusion of flowers, because the first was not yet in vogue and the latter were available only in limited number in some gardens. But the absence of accoutrements of flowers or alpana did not fail to lend dignity and sanctity to the occasion. It was the outpouring of heartfelt love for the language and the homage for the shahids dominating the observance of the day, that stood out above everything else. Only one song was sung, again and again, in a mournful elegiac tone, amar bhayer rakte rangano Ekushe February, ami ki bulite pari? As the voce rose in crescendo, in higher pitch at the end, it became a declaration and an expression of determination. The lyric, the voice and the tune sent the blood racing in arteries transforming both those who sang and who listened. Few songs in the world has the same power of enthralling minds with such strong emotion as the one composed by Abdul Gaffar Choudhury. Like La Marsaillais, the song that inspired the French to revolution, the song of Ekushey has also become immortal, having the same potency.
   As part of the observance of Shahid Dibash it became a practice to bring out small brochures with poems, short stories and articles. Fund for this came from ads given by shops and commercial offices. He and his friends brought out one using the same source of fund. What amazed him was the willingness of those of who gave the ads. They did not require any persuasion, nor was there any stinginess on their part. Whether it was the small photo shop, AKS in new market or the office of Burmah Shell in Jinnah Avenue, there was spontaneity in the contributions made. It was as if they, too, were participating in the observance of the day. Ekushey had united the Bengalis in East Pakistan like nothing before did. Its hold over the minds was enormous. With every year this would grow stronger and stronger.

The Government of Nepal and the Communist party of Nepal (Maoist) have issued a 25 point ceasefire Code of Conduct on 26 May 2006 after the first round of formal dialogue between the two sides.
   Preamble
   In respect of the sacrifices and participation made by the Nepalese people in the peaceful joint people's movement, to respect the mandate of the historical people’s movement expressed in support of full democracy, progression and peace and fully abide by the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and International Humanitarian laws and the 12-point agreement reached between the Seven Political Parties and the CPN (Maoists),
   Committed towards competitive multiparty system, civil liberty, fundamental rights, human rights, press freedom and rule of law, and other democratic norms and values,
   The main objective of guaranteeing the basic rights of the Nepali people to be a part of the process of drafting the constitution by taking part in the elections to the Constituent Assembly without being influenced by any fear, threatening and violence,
   To transform the present ceasefire between Nepal Government and CPN (Maoists) into a permanent peace and Nepalese people's wishes of resolving the problems through peaceful means following 25-point cease-fire Code of Conduct agreed between the two sides under different headings is as follows:
   Guarantee of fearless civilian life
   1. Not to give any provocative public statement that could agitate one another or carry out any such act.
   2. Both the sides will not mobilise, display or use armed military such as to spread terror among the people.
   3. Not to carry out attacks or destructive acts against the army or security organ of one another, not to carry out acts such as setting up mines or ambush and not to make any new recruits in their respective army and not to carry out spying.
   4. Both sides would support one another in maintaining law and order.
   5. Carrying out discussion and understanding as per need on the basis of mutual agreement on matters relating to the management of arms and ammunition and the army.
   6. Both the sides will not be present in combat dress or with arms and ammunition while holding public gatherings, meetings and conferences, functions or political activities.
   7. Both sides will not make any kind of obstruction or exert any mental or physical pressure against political party workers and members and individuals of social institutions who will go to any part of the country and publicise their views, hold meetings and conferences and organizational works.
   In relation to basic services and development works of the people
   8. Not hold programmes like bandh or chakka jam throughout the cease-fire period. But meetings and processions can be held peacefully.
   9. Allow basic services and facilities for the people to run smoothly.
   10. Any obstruction would not be laid in carrying out the regular work of public interest and development activities peacefully.
   11. Not to prohibit and obstruct the transportations of foodstuff, medicine, development and construction materials and daily essential goods.
   Operation of educational institutions, hospitals and industrial establishments
   12. Both sides shall create an environment for regular operation of schools, colleges, universities, hospitals, and health centres and industrial institutions.
   Co-operation from the media for peace talks
   13. Disseminate information supportive of the cease-fire, the code of conduct and the peace process and use polite and courteous language while carrying out political publicity works.
   14. Nobody shall make statements in the media that are likely to have adverse impact on the talks and the peace process.
   Not to raise donation and funds forcibly
   15. Donations and financial assistance in cash or kind or service shall not be collected and mobilized against anyone’s willingness.
   Release and rehabilitation
   16. The charges, accusations and cases accused by both sides on different individuals shall be withdrawn and the detainees shall be gradually released.
   17. The status of the disappeared citizens shall be made public as soon as possible.
   18. Assist the individuals displaced from their homes to go back to their homes and lead a peaceful, normal and dignified life and their rehabilitation.
   19. The property belonging to the political party leaders and cadres and to the general public, seized or locked out or prevented from being used during the time of the conflict, shall be returned back to the individuals or families concerned to be used by them. Any problems arising regarding the procedures for returning the property shall be resolved through mutual consensus.
   Talks facilitation
   20. Obstruction of any type shall not be created in the travel and activities of individuals from both sides involved in the talks.
   Monitoring
   21. Get the national and international monitoring teams to monitor the cease-fire on the basis of mutual consensus of both sides.
   Miscellaneous
   22. Any disputes regarding the interpretation of the code of conduct shall be resolved through consensus between both sides.
   23. Changes, additions and amendment can be made in this code of conduct with the consent of both sides as per the spirit of the preamble.
   24. This code of conduct shall come into force immediately after its signing.
   25. The code of conduct shall be made public after its signing.

I am glad that the top JMB leaders have been sentenced to death for killing the judges in Jhalakati. They deserved capital punishment. But we all know that these JMB leaders were not alone, they wouldn't have succeeded in carrying out their militant activities without the help from the administration. I wonder who those behind-the-scene 'co-operators/collaborators' are for they will never be brought to justice. But we need to pinpoint these faceless faces otherwise more and more militants will be born everyday no matter how many of them we sentence to death.
   Nairit Haq
   New Easkaton Road, Dhaka
   

'Quick Comments' (letters@newagebd.com, quickcomments@gmail.com) seeks the readers' instant reaction on different national and international issues. Comments should be brief, not exceeding 150 words. Submissions should mention 'Quick Comments' and will be subject to editing for quality and clarity. The readers may send their comments on: (a) According to a news report, from next Sunday intensified load shedding will be taking place in the city. However, residences of president, prime minister, ministers, public hospitals, diplomatic zone will not to be affected. There will also be special treatment for Gulshan, Baridhara DOHS, Dhanmondi and Baliey Road, (b) Bollywood has come out fighting for actor Aamir Khan whose latest film 'Faana' has not opened in western Gujarat state fearing mob violence after politicians reacted furiously when the actor highlighted the plight of thousands displaced by the multi-billion dollar Narmada Valley project. BJP leaders have demanded Khan apologise for his stand in raising the plight of the thousands displaced by the dam-building on the Narmada river in western India.

The LTTE turned down a possible last opportunity to forestall the pending European Union ban on themselves. They failed to take the opportunity presented by the visit of the Norwegian facilitators to Sri Lanka. Unlike on the occasion of the previous visit of the Norwegians, this time the Sri Lankan government adopted a sophisticated approach in having President Mahinda Rajapakse meet the visiting facilitators. The warm welcome the President gave Erik Solheim and Jon Hansen Baur was evident in his beaming smile captured by the media.
   But LTTE leader Velupillai Pirapaharan chose to remain invisible in the Wanni without meeting the high-level Norwegian team. Accustomed to seeing the political world in terms of threats and counter-threats the LTTE seems to have decided that EU ban was a threat before which they did not wish to be seen to be blinking. But if the LTTE had chosen to take the opportunity presented by the visit of the Norwegian facilitators to make a bold political offer of negotiations on core political issues, it would have served a double function.
   First, it would have put the government on the political defensive, as it would have to obtain a consensus within itself to make a political response. The government's difficulty is that it contains a diversity of opinions within itself that range from both Sinhalese nationalist and liberal extremes in respect of a political solution to the ethnic conflict. The second function of a political offer by the LTTE would have been to persuade the EU to delay imposing the ban on them. However, instead of holding out the possibility of a commitment to a political solution, the LTTE adopted a threatening posture on the future of the peace process.
   
   Politically adept
   Due to the violations of the Ceasefire Agreement the fear of war and the suffering of the people is increasing, with the range of targets increasing in a dangerous manner. International NGOs doing humanitarian work have seldom, if ever, been targeted for violence during the past two decades. But last week three international NGOs were violently attacked in the east.
   In this deteriorating situation to which it is contributing, the government has nevertheless been much more astute at presenting a positive political image than the LTTE. President Rajapakse is the government's greatest asset in winning the confidence of the international community about the government's sincerity in pursuing the peace process. His repeated insistence of his willingness to go for face to face peace talks with LTTE leader Pirapaharan no less is a powerful indictment of the LTTE's unwillingness to go to the negotiating table. As a result, the shadow war that is taking place on the ground with the LTTE is glossed over as beyond the control of the President.
   Due to the LTTE's high-profile attacks on the army headquarters in Colombo and on the naval troopship in the northern seas, the government has been able to portray itself successfully as victim rather than as aggressor.
   Therefore, at the present time the government appears to be in an advantageous situation. The LTTE has earned itself a pariah status internationally.
   
   Soft targets
   The LTTE is clearly in a difficult position at the present time. The LTTE's present position is not one in which they can make positive gains, either in terms of political legitimacy or military gains on the ground. In fact, the LTTE has reason to be anxious that a full-scale war may lead to the loss of their eastern territories. The LTTE may be unable to withstand the seasoned Karuna cadres in the east who will be fully backed by the Sri Lankan military in case of an open declaration of war. The LTTE is ordering ordinary civilians to take their military training to become an auxiliary force.
   On the other hand, the LTTE continues to retain its ability to penetrate the government's defences for guerilla attack in all parts of the country. The apprehension of the government on this score was in evidence last week when it completely sealed off sections of the Fort to traffic last week in order to secure the World Trade Centre, which is the tallest building in the country. There were fears of an attack of the same sort that destroyed the same area in 1996, including the country's Central Bank.
   While the LTTE cannot gain either politically or militarily by such terrorist-style attacks, they can cause the government to lose by attacking soft targets outside the north-east. The government's ability to protect the entire country from guerilla attack through the vigilance of its security forces alone is likely to be limited. Unless the government takes suitable political action, there will be many soft targets that will remain exposed to attack. If such attacks do take place, there will be a serious erosion of the government's credibility and popularity. It is one thing for people to talk in the abstract about the sacrifices of war. It is another thing to live through the fear and destruction that war brings.
   The most important element in a successful political approach to dealing with the LTTE would be to adopt a single-minded approach where words and deeds correspond to each other. The government's greatest strength lies in its national and international legitimacy that will be best protected by the promise of political reform to resolve the ethnic conflict. The EU ban epitomises the failure of violence to resolve the ethnic conflict. A strategy of talking the language of peace but practising violence on the ground may be useful to defeat the opponent, but if a guerilla war that extends its tentacles out of the north-east is to be avoided it is not the way.
   Jehan Perera is media director of the National Peace Council in Colombo, Sri Lanka. He can be reached at: jehan1@sri.lanka.net