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Errors in syntax
   1. Aftab persistently proposed her to visit his residence on almost every Saturday and the hartal days. As she refused to oblige, Aftab got angry and threatened her to dismiss from the job.
   2. The Government is working on a draft law to provide authorities concerned with power to strip of citizenship those found guilty of sedition.
   3. In the past there was a Gopdakshin canal in Demra but now this one-kilometre canal is totally absent from the scene. It has been filled and houses have been established on them and on their banks.
   4. The loss of life, so far conservative in estimate, will likely rise as the hours go by.
   5. A budget of 5 million dollars should be enough to set up these equipment for a rescue team, can be readily mobilized.
    In sentence 1 the _expression ‘proposed her’ is wrong. You 'propose to someone' when you want to marry her. You ‘propose someone for something’: ‘You propose so-and-so for chairman’. The _expression ‘proposes her’ in sentence 1 conveys neither of these meanings. What the writer means is that ‘Aftab suggested that she should come to his place...’ The adverbial phrase ‘on almost every Saturday’ is also wrong because no preposition is required before ‘every’: ‘I go shopping every Friday’. The use of ‘threatened’ in the same sentence is wrong too. The correct use is ‘threatened her with dismissal’ or ‘threatened to dismiss her’. The last part of sentence 2 beginning with ‘strip of citizenship those found guilty of sedition’ is bad syntax. It should be rewritten as ‘to strip those found guilty of sedition of their citizenship’. Sentence 3 contains multiple errors. The phrase ‘absent from the scene’ is imprecise. How about ‘disappeared from the scene?’ In the clause ‘houses have been established on them and on their banks’, ‘established’ is not the right word. We do not ‘establish houses’, we ‘build them’. The pronouns ‘them’ and their’ are plural but they refer back to the canal which is singular. In sentence 4 the _expression ‘will likely rise’ should be ‘is likely to rise’. In sentence 5 the word ‘equipment’ is an uncountable noun. The determiner ‘these’, which is plural, does not go with an uncountable noun. The last part of the sentence is not grammatically related to what has gone before.
   The sentence can be improved by rewriting it as follows: ‘A budget of 5 million dollars, which should be enough to set up the equipment for a rescue team, can be readily mobilized.
   
   Errors in vocabulary
   6. But nobody has been building any passenger shed at the bus stoppages.
   7. In summer and in rainy season the aged peoples and women have to stand in queues for a long time to get into the buses.
   8. The factory owner has been remaining absconding since the accident.
   9. Some 13000 candidates appeared at the examination.
   10. Rajuk has failed to submit its probe committee report on the Savar building collapse timely.
   11. The way an American soldier treated a newly elected Iraqi Parliament member last week in Bagdad was a reminiscent of Pakistani soldiers’ treatment to any Bangali in Dhaka during the liberation war.
   In sentence 6 ‘bus stoppages’ should be ‘bus stops’. The word ‘stoppage’ is used when people stop working because of a disagreement with their employer. It is also used in games and sports when the game stops for a short time. In sentence 7 the phrase ‘aged peoples’ is wrong because the word ‘people’ is plural. We do not say ‘peoples’.
   The word ‘aged’ is formal. The commonly used word is ‘elderly’ which is more polite than ‘old’. We do not say ‘get into the buses’, we say ‘get on the bus’. In the _expression ‘remaining absconding’ in sentence 8 the word ‘remaining’ can be omitted: ‘The factory owner has been absconding...’ In sentence 9 the verb ‘appear’ does not collocate with ‘examination’. We ‘take an exam’ or ‘sit for an exam’. In sentence 10 the word ‘timely’ is wrong as it is an adjective. What is required is an adverbial: ‘in time’. In sentence 11 the word ‘reminiscent’ has been used as a noun, but it is an adjective.
   
   Errors in idiom
   12. The thought that constitutional experimentation must be resorted to every time an election is round the corner is debilitating to the extreme.
   13. The minister expressed the government's inability of implementing WHO recommendations to ensure adequate health services in the country.
   14. A good number of businessmen and ward commissioners are also in the list.
   15. As in previous years, theatre group Padatik Natya Sangsad will organise Sangskriti Utsab to welcome Bangla New year in the eve of Pahela Baishak at 5:00 pm at Dhanmondi Rabindra Sarabar on April 13.
   16. We can raise the question whether they (chairman and members of the commission) are capable in building a new institution.
   In sentence 12 the idiom ‘to the extreme’ is wrong. The correct idiom is ‘in the extreme’. In sentence 13 the _expression ‘inability of implementing’ is unidiomatic. The word ‘inability’ takes an infinitive: ‘inability to implement’. In sentence 14 ‘in the list’ should be ‘on the list’. In sentence 15 ‘in the eve’ is not the idiom. The idiom is ‘on the eve’. In sentence 16 the _expression ‘capable in building’ is unidiomatic. The idiom is ‘capable of + ing-form of the verb.
   
   Errors in preposition
   17. The respondents even did not regret for the false news.
   18. The fourth year students in a letter to the department chairman objected evaluation of answer scripts of their course by Abu Bakr, the course teacher.
   19. The education ministry a few months age sent a number of letters to the grants commission requesting for equivalence of the degrees of bureaucrats
   20. I want to congratulate the players, the coach, managers, administrators and other related officials this amazing achievement.
   21. The Ahmadiyyas do not believe in lodging complaints to foreigners.
   In sentence 17 the verb ‘regret’ does not require any preposition because it is transitive. So the preposition ‘for’ must be dropped. In sentence 18 a required preposition ‘to’ after ‘objected’ has been omitted: ‘objected to the evaluation of the answer scripts.’
   In sentence 19 the preposition ‘for’ after ‘requesting’ is an error because ‘request’ is a transitive verb. The verb ‘congratulate’ takes the preposition ‘on’ or ‘for’. ‘We congratulate someone on something’. But in sentence 20 the preposition has been omitted before the phrase ‘this amazing achievement’. In sentence 21 the preposition ‘to’ should be replaced by ‘with’: ‘We lodge complaints with someone’.
   
   Error in subject-verb agreement
   22. As the poor salaries and facilities is one of the reasons behind inefficiency of the policemen and their involvement in criminal offences, the business leaders proposed to give 5 per cent surcharge for financing the increase of the policemen’s salaries.
   In sentence 22 the subject is plural (‘salaries and facilities’), but the verb is singular (‘is’).
   It should be ‘are’.

In the globalised world of today trade, communications and knowledge are extremely important. Long term economic trends and potential possibilities are the drivers of political, economic, resource, security, education and domestic policies. The strategic environment of the future is likely to be shaped largely by economy driven shifts in alliances and linkages. Pakistan is, therefore, in the unenviable position of having to make up for lost time by working on basic issues as well as setting up high technology centres of excellence at the same time, if it wants to be part of the whole international development scene. Conflict resolution, ethnic harmony, internal cohesion, infrastructure development, population control, a competent workforce, economic viability and political stability become important priorities. This is how we can take advantage of opportunities.
   We do not have to rehearse history here but I will flag a few aspects before I talk of the Pakistan of today and tomorrow in the context of international development.
   During the cold war period of the late 50s and 60s Pakistan was a close ally of the US. Economic and military aid, remittances from abroad and the policies of an authoritarian regime led to rapid growth. Pakistan was considered a good case study for other developing countries. Then there were the policies of the late 60s and 70s that led us into the wars with India, a changed relationship with the US and the secession of the eastern province. This was followed by the decade of nationalisation and then the decade of Islamisation. The 90s were a decade of democracy that was under pressure and had to cope with political instability, serious economic difficulties and the internal turmoil stemming from the blowback from Kashmir and Afghanistan. Now, in the first five years of the 21st century, we have had consistency and continuity in policies for the first time, as we try to become an interactive part of the globalised world and international development trends. And this brings me to the Pakistan of today and tomorrow. The Pakistan that wants to be part of international development.
   A strategic reorientation of policies has enormous implications. To cope with the consequences of such a change you have to have a clear road map, easily identifiable milestones and realistic timelines for implementation. This is where Pakistan is today. We have revived and realigned our relationship with the US in the new strategic environment. We have changed policy for bilateral relations with our neighbours to the East and the West. We have decided to confront the forces of extremism and terror. We are focusing on economic prosperity and internal stability as the motivation for cohesion and harmony. And we are conforming to international regimes and norms as we move to change Pakistan from a ‘soft’ to a ‘hard’ state capable of resisting negative trends, coercive pressures and aggression in all forms.
   It is in this context that we must view the transient events that are taking place. These seem to be monumental and get much international attention but this is Pakistan coming to terms with the legacies of the past. The instability in civil-military relations, the contradictions in political development, the uneven institutional development, the regional disparities, income gaps and rising aspirations - and all this is taking place with a total freedom of expression, and, during the tenure of the first elected government that may be heading towards a complete five year tenure. Add to this mix the ongoing war on terror and the need to cope with the consequences of strategic change and you might begin to understand why Pakistan needs strong central authority even as it moves towards democracy. The basis has to be laid for democracy to sustain itself under pressure. The most important factor for this is the economy and the development that it can generate to make Pakistan part of the international development scene.
   The relationship with the US is most important for Pakistan. We are fortunate that today there is a convergence of interests and concerns. This relationship has, therefore, to be seen in the context of the new US policy towards South Asia and the totality of its many facets. There is the military dimension and the balance of power in South Asia. There is the political factor that emphasises democracy and freedom. The economic scenario is built not just on aid but trade, investment, infrastructure development, growth and poverty alleviation. The social sector interests include health care, education reform, a moderate liberal and balanced society with special focus on rights, women empowerment and human resource development and the rule of law. It is within these broad areas that the US and Pakistan pursue interests and address concerns. This strategic and long term relationship has to be seen not just in the context of F-16s and dollars but in terms of its many facets. For Pakistan far more important aspects are the international finance doors that this relationship opens and the overall benign influence that it has on all the policies especially foreign policy. Trade and the regimes that support it become very significant in bilateral relations.
   The regional situation in terms of Pakistan’s ‘near abroad’ and the extra regional scene flows from US presence and policies as well as Pakistan’s own efforts. The Pakistan -Afghanistan relationship is vastly improved. There is cooperation in many areas-trade, transit, coastal arrangements, travel, business, infrastructure development, refugees, drugs, weapons proliferation, border security, intelligence and counter terrorism. The Pakistan-India relationship is also improved. There is dialogue and normalcy in inter state functions. The active conflict and hostility has receded though it has not disappeared. All three - India, Pakistan and Afghanistan see the economic potential in stability and cooperation not only in the region but beyond into Central Asia, Europe, the Middle East, South East Asia, the Far East, in the US and even South America. This is evident from the trends in foreign and economic policies.
   The dynamism within Pakistan is linked to the overall strategic environment. Pakistan has stated as policy that it is not in an arms race with any country. It wants defensive deterrence and if this means living with an imbalance then this is acceptable as long as the imbalance is manageable by its capabilities. Pakistan is, therefore very selective in its defense acquisitions and is in no way creating a threat scenario that might warrant a response. Pakistan wants democracy and has a road map that it is following. It does not want the achievements of the past five years to be lost and therefore has a policy tailored for its present and evolving environment. The greatest success has been in the economic field and the macroeconomic indicators are there together with the IMF and World Bank endorsement of its economic policies. Banking sector reforms have made money laundering and terrorist financing extremely difficult and hazardous. IFI confidence is growing - the international bonds floated have been oversubscribed and credit ratings have been upgraded. There has been considerable domestic investment in the textile sector. Foreign investment is growing, recent ventures by US, Chinese and Gulf States are examples. Deregulation continues to attract investment, the telecommunication sector is one example. Many incentives are on offer for direct foreign investment. New mobile telephone companies are moving in and paying heavily for the opportunity. The stock markets and the real estate market offer opportunities. State owned enterprises are available for privatisation.
   With its eye on tomorrow Pakistan is moving quickly towards infrastructure development, communication networks, roads, ports, airline facilities, transportation - have all been, and are being, improved rapidly. Long term reforms in the social sector are underway in the form of human resource development and education. The 145 million population, with a 75 million middle class, is not just a massive market but can be an excellent work force available to investors as many are finding out. Education reforms are focusing on over 27,000 literacy centres with 7000 already established. Basic education is receiving inputs compatible with absorption capacity - curriculum revision, improved evaluation methods, teachers training, incentives for school attendance especially for girls, specific Madrassah reforms are underway, vocational and skill training centres are being set up with private sector participation and there are community supported rural school programmes. We are getting significant aid from USAID, loans by the ADB and aid from UK, Japan and European Union. Pakistani-Americans are very active and our own corporate sector is participating fully in both education and health care. This is how Pakistan is preparing for tomorrow and this how it sees the long term resistance to the forces of extremism and terror.
   There are many constraints. The thrust on so many fronts requires governance and management. Financial resources are not enough. There is poverty and unemployment and impatience at the slow trickle down of benefits from the improved macro economic situation. Non state actors with their own agendas can be disruptive. Political instability can take a heavy toll. New initiatives like local government have maturity periods. But the economic success has been a strong motivator. Micro finance schemes are doing wonders. We have over 40,000 women in elected positions at various tiers. Pakistan is moving towards becoming a moderate, liberal, economically viable and democratic state capable of defending itself. In terms of international development Pakistan is a good example of the interdependence of national policies that are a part of national strategy. The orchestration of policies to bring about stability and economic prosperity is particularly significant. There is much that can be criticised and it is easier to dwell on the past because crystal ball gazing can be very difficult. I would urge you to focus on the present and the future and conclude your deliberations with new ideas and constructive suggestions and comments.
   To look into the future we have to consider many trends. Where is the Israel-Palestine situation headed? How will the Iraq situation resolve? Will Afghanistan stabilise? Will the dialogue with India resolve the Kashmir problem? Will the Iran and Korean problems be resolved? These and many other questions make the future unpredictable. The important issue for Pakistan is regional stability and internal harmony - this is the path that Pakistan is now treading for a better future. And the US-Pakistan relationship gives it hope and support.
   The writer is former Pakistani army chief of staff and at present is his country’s ambassador to the United States

Transparency International Bangladesh (TIB) appreciates the generous acknowledgement of its work by the distinguished editor of the New Age in his commentary titled ‘TIB and the insolence of trespassing’ published on April 23, 2005. As examples he commends TIB’s role in the enactment of the Anti-Corruption Commission law, and contribution to Bangladesh’s participation in the ADB-OECD Asia-Pacific regional initiative against corruption. We are indeed grateful that the media in general and New Age for that matter have been extremely supportive to TIB’s work - a key source of our strength. We consider media as our partners and co-stakeholders.
   We also attach great importance to any critical comments and suggestions addressed to us with a positive spirit, and as a learning tool for improving the content, quality and effectiveness of our work.
   In his commentary Mr. Khan has also asked us to explain what he considers an ‘insolence of trespassing’ by TIB. It has been commented that Prof Muzaffer Ahmad, a Trustee of TIB, has caused the trespassing by calling for a ‘dispassionate evaluation’ of the caretaker system. Those who attended the press conference on April 20 would recall that when Prof Ahmad was asked by media persons to comment about the on-going debate on the caretaker issue, he prefixed his answer by saying that this was not a subject for which the event was organised, and that on this question he spoke in his personal capacity as a participant in another forum, not as a TIB Trustee. It can be nothing but fair that Prof Ahmad or any one else associated with TIB has the right to hold personal views on matters like this, which may not necessarily be attributed to TIB.
   The term ‘dispassionate evaluation’ has been interpreted in the commentary to automatically imply ‘advocating change’. Is it not quite possible that an evaluation, especially if dispassionate, could conclude that the caretaker system has indeed worked well? This is particularly important because Prof Ahmad added, as reported in New Age too, that ‘the political parties that won the elections were satisfied … They raised questions soon after losing the elections’. It remains unclear as to how this could be interpreted to be biased for or against any particular political party?
   Having said that, one also wonders why it should be regarded as ‘trespassing’ if TIB had indeed chosen to work on the caretaker system. After all, the caretaker system is in essence meant to strengthen the institutions of the National Integrity System such as the Parliament and the electoral process that contribute to the creation of the conducive environment for accountable and transparent governance, which is well within the mandate of TIB.
   On other matters raised in the article, I have no hesitation to acknowledge two important shortcomings of TIB so far. First, we have not yet been able to fully persuade some commentators that TIB is not responsible for ‘putting Bangladesh on top of corruption rating for three (actually four) successive years…’ Let me reiterate again that TIB does not have any role in the international ranking that is being referred to. Corruption Perception Index (CPI) published annually by Transparency International (TI) is a composite index worked out drawing upon corruption related data generated by a number of surveys (18 in 2004) conducted by reputed international institutions. The index reflects the views of analysts and businesspeople from around the world, including experts who are locals in the countries concerned.
   In the case of Bangladesh, sources that the information were drawn from in determining the ranking in 2004 included surveys conducted by Economic Intelligence Unit of the Economist magazine of London, Columbia University, a multilateral development bank, Gallup International, the World Economic Forum, etc. While TIB has its own research and other programmes with specific focus on the situation of corruption in the country and on ways to address the same, as the Bangladesh chapter of TI, its responsibility as far as CPI goes, is no more than facilitating its release when the report is available.
   The key question, nevertheless, is who indeed is responsible for this national embarrassment – those who research and report on the depth and breadth of corruption in the country and are committed fighting the same, or those who are actually indulging in corruption by abusing entrusted power for personal or group interests – be that power in or outside the Government, or be that political or economic or even social power? Corruption is the disease, not the whistle-blower.
   Irrespective of whether Bangladesh ranks at the bottom or higher in international comparison, what is important is that there is widespread public concern in the country about a pervasive presence of corruption and its unbearability. All the major political parties recognise corruption as a key national issue and make almost a concert of electoral commitment to fight it; the government acknowledges it as a major challenge. What TIB is doing through its research, awareness, advocacy and social mobilisation programmes is to strengthen the hands of all those co-stakeholders, which would remain equally necessary even if Bangladesh didn’t occupy the number one status.
   The second shortcoming of TIB is that we have not apparently been able to convince successive governments that TIB is not against the government or against any institution or department thereof – our work is against corruption, which as far as public pronouncements go, is also an enemy that the government is committed to fight against.
   Two possible factors come to mind by way of explanation. First, those who are involved in corruption are powerful enough to persuade the government that fighting corruption does not serve its interest. The second is the fact that in the political parlance of contemporary Bangladesh any expression of critical view is construed as malicious – either you are a sycophant, or an enemy!
   Mr Enayetullah Khan’s writings have always been educative and stimulating. This time he has inspired TIB to do more of what it has been doing, and to try to do it more effectively.
   The writer is executive director, TIB